The Courageous Career of Slain French Photojournalist Camille Lepage

Camille Lepage via a Facebook tribute page.

By Abdoulaye Bah
Conflicts on the African continent claimed another journalist last week. Camille Lepage, a 26-year-old French photojournalist, is the latest reporter to pay the ultimate price for trying to inform the world of the violence against unarmed civilians in the Central African Republic (CAR).

Lepage’s body was found on May 15 by French peacekeepers in a village near the town of Bouar, CAR, in a car driven by Christian militia fighters known as Anti-Balaka.

The Central African Republic has been marred by conflict since 2012 when the Muslim faction Seleka and the Anti-Balaka began warring over control of the territory. Lepage is the first western journalist to be killed in the fighting.

She specialized in photojournalism in Africa, notably in Egypt, South Sudan and the Central African Republic. She explained that her motivation was to cover news stories that mainstream media tend to ignore. “I can’t accept that people’s tragedies are silenced simply because no one can make money out of them,” she said.

Emotions ran high after the news of her death broke, especially among her colleagues in the news industry and in communities with an interest in human rights and African affairs.

Photography was Camille Lepage's passion. She strove to document abuses against unarmed civilians in war-torn regions worldwide. This photo she took in Jonglei state, South Sudan, was chosen for the cover of the latest Human Rights Watch report. Read the report here.

Writer Gannon Burgett wrote an emotional eulogy on petapixel.com, in which he described Lepage's website as a “leading blog covering the wonderful world of photography”:

Heart-breaking news came out of Bangui, Central African Republic today. It has been confirmed that 26-year-old French photojournalist Camille Lepage, who we had the honor of interviewing just six months ago, has been killed while covering the ongoing crisis there
[...]

She had a passion for shedding light on the world’s ignored conflicts, and her compassion and dedication for her craft and her subject alike seem to shine through with every snap of the shutter. The French Presidency has released a statement saying that, “All means necessary will be used to shed light on to the circumstances of this murder and to find her killers.”

This article elicited several reactions from readers. Commenter “tiger” wrote:

The conflict in Central Africa is very intense and dangerous and what you would call a red zone. It is actually one of the more dangerous areas in Africa. A very dangerous job I doubt many photo journalists would want to take. It was very courageous of her and not only that she was with one of the militia forces. It is very possible that while she was riding around with them, they were flanked by the opposing militia force and taken out by surprise. Very sad for such a young person with a lot of potential.

Based on his personal experience as a reporter in Mexico, “Ridgecity“ wrote about how the death of a fellow reporter touched him:

Tragic loss, even not knowing her, seeing a fellow photographer have a tragic death is horrible. There are trendy magazines like Roling [sic] Stone or Vice Magazine that like to cover these human crisis and offer young people jobs like this, and don't even consider their security. Sadly, this happens all the time when photographers think they are untouchable with a extremely dangerous “I'm the press” mentality.

I live in Mexico and this place is the worst ever for journalists and even regular photographers. You ALWAYS have to put your safety first and don't think twice about leaving any place where someone has a weapon. They always target the cameras first. That's something they don't teach you in college.

 

In the interview mentioned above, Lepage explained to Gregory Eddi Jones how she came to be involved in African affairs:

Since I was very little, I’ve always wanted to go and live in a place where no one else wants to go, and cover in-depth conflict related stories. I followed thoroughly the independence process of South Sudan and was shocked by the little coverage it got… plus all the pessimism around it really annoyed me.

Then, while doing research, I discovered the conflict in the Nuba Mountains. I became even more outraged by the fact that, except from a few media, no one talked about it. It became an obvious choice, I had to go and report from there. Yet, as a first experience in Africa, it seemed like a dangerous one. So I was trying to find alternatives.

I thought about moving to Uganda and going back and forth between the two countries. Then I realized I could probably get a job in a local paper and start within a structure instead of throwing myself out there with no contact, no portfolio and above all very little experience. So that’s what I did.

A reader of the French daily newspaper Le Figaro, Jacques Vissy, wrote the following about Lepage's legacy:

One can only respect her will and be in awe of her courage. She left us too soon but her sense of commitment to the facts and the truth already makes her as a worthy successor of such great journalists such as Capa, McCullin and Schoendoerffer. 

Before her CAR assignment, Lepage worked in South Sudan. The variety of subjects she covered is impressive. A snippet of her assignments for mainstream media, NGOs and humanitarian institutions can be seen on her blog:

• South Sudan: “You will forget me” 24 pics
• South Sudan: “Vanishing youth” 17 pics 
• South Sudan: “We call it fashion” 26 pics
• CAR: “On est ensemble” 17 pics

At 26, she had already been published by the following media outlets: The New York Times, Time Magazine, Le Monde, Vice, The Sunday Times,  The Guardian, BBC, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, Amnesty Press, LA Times, Al Jazeera, Libération, Le Parisien Magazine, Le Parisien, Le Nouvel Observateur, Jeune Afrique, La Croix, Internazionale, DVAfoto, Le Journal de la Photographie and more.

The following organizations also published her work: Human Rights Watch, Médecins Sans Frontières, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Amnesty International, Mercy Corps, Handicap International, World Food Programme, Internews, Crown Agents, Solidarité. 

The last message she posted on Facebook reported the danger Muslims face in the CAR:

Muslim men take a taxi from the IDP camp in Bangui after the evening prayer to go to the bus station and take a bus to Cameroon on the next day. They have no other choice but to leave at dark so the local population won't see them and hopefully won't attack them.

In Bangui, attacks on Muslims take place everyday in the last 3 areas where Muslim remain. The attackers want them to leave or die and will do everything they can so no Muslim remain in the country.

Merci Camille.

Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.

Central African Republic: 'Peacekeepers' Escort Muslims out of the Capitol City of Bangui — Unchecked Ethnic Cleansing Could Partition Country

Muslims being escorted out of Bangui, CAR. (Screen captured from YouTube video)

By BBC
Peacekeepers have escorted more than 1,200 Muslims out of the capital of the Central African Republic, Bangui.

They were some of the last remaining Muslims in the city, who have been targeted by Christian militias in the country's civil conflict.

The country has been hit by civil conflict since Seleka rebels ousted the president in March 2013.

The largely Muslim Seleka rebels were accused of targeting Christians, prompting worsening sectarian violence...

Some Muslims do remain in Bangui but thousands have fled Christian-majority areas in recent weeks, heightening fears of a de facto partition of the country.

Amnesty International has accused peacekeepers of failing to prevent ethnic cleansing.

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Ethnic Cleansing of Muslims in Central African Republic: What is Really Happening There? — See For Yourself

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The Persecution of Muslims in Central African Republic - Ethnic Cleansing

RELATED STORY: Besieged Muslims Face Murder and Starvation in Central African Republic Town — Wholesale 'Ethnic Cleansing'

Besieged Muslims Face Murder and Starvation in Central African Republic Town — Wholesale 'Ethnic Cleansing'

Anti-balaka (Christian militia) members, Central Africa Republic. The anti-balaka
came into being after the outbreak of a conflict over political power between Muslims
and Christians. (Screen capture from YouTube video)

"We cannot accept to live together with Muslims, long-term. It's our right to kill Muslims."
—Captain Dopani Firmin, the 'anti-balaka' (Christian militia) chief in Boda

By Emmanuel Braun
In normal times, the rickety wooden bridges at each end of the red-dirt main street in Boda were gateways to shops and a bustling market in the diamond-mining town in western Central African Republic.

Today, they mark the fine line between life and death for hundreds of Muslims living under siege, encircled by Christian 'anti-balaka' militia fighters bent on chasing out the country's Islamic population.

"We live in a prison," said Adou Kone, a tailor. "Everything is blocked, nothing comes in. It's very expensive to buy food ... Our life is at a critical stage."

Boda illustrates the chaos that has gripped Central African Republic since late 2012 when a battle for political power degenerated into clashes between Muslims and Christians that have forced about 1 million people from their homes.

If they stray beyond either bridge, Muslims in Boda say they would be killed, like thousands of other victims of tit-for-tat violence that continue despite the deployment of French and African peacekeepers...

ETHNIC-RELIGIOUS CLEANSING

Virtually all Muslims have fled Bangui since the mainly Muslim Seleka rebels, who seized power in March 2013, were forced to step aside in January. The United Nations has reported a "cleansing" of Muslims from the country's west.

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Are Economic Sanctions Effective Against Rogue Rulers?

Photo by CODEPINK Women For Peace.

By Rakotomalala, Translated by Catherine Randall
Since Russia's military intervention in Crimea, economic sanctions have been threatened as a means of penalizing Vladimir Putin's government. The White House has already announced travel bans and asset freezes for several individuals close to the Kremlin, and the European Union is examining similar sanctions.

Yet it is difficult to determine the effectiveness of such sanctions. The African continent is already familiar with the imposition of economic sanctions on countries that do not respect the rule of law. For example, the Central African Republic, Mali, Mauritania, and Madagascar were hit with sanctions in recent years after power was seized in coups d'état. These countries then faced major difficulties in emerging from the political impasse and resuming international cooperation. But did these economic sanctions influence their return to constitutional rule?

Christian Chavagneux, deputy editor in chief of Alternatives Economiques, recalls why it is difficult to apply effective economic sanctions:

Enfin, les leçons de l’histoire font douter de l’efficacité de sanctions économiques. Rappelons-nous que le boycott militaire de l’Afrique du Sud de l’apartheid ne l’a jamais empêché d’acheter des armes, que les campagnes de désinvestissements et les boycotts de produits de consommation n’ont pas fait s’effondrer sa classe dirigeante et que les grandes banques y sont largement toujours resté présentes.

The lessons of history cast doubt on the efficacy of economic sanctions. Let us remember that the military boycott of apartheid South Africa never stopped the country from buying weapons, that the divestment campaigns and consumer product boycotts didn't cause the collapse of the ruling class, and that the big banks are, in large part, still present.

The case of Madagascar

Madagascar was hit with economic sanctions immediately after Andry Rajoelina seized power in March 2009 with the support of part of the army. After the suspension of trade agreements with the United States via the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and the suspension of aid from the European Commission and various other development agencies, the country's GDP fell rapidly, reaching its lowest level since 2002:

GDP of Madagascar between 2001 and 2011. Public domain

Learning of the AGOA's withdrawal, economist William Easterly argued [en] at the time that the sanctions did not penalize the leaders responsible for the situation, but rather the already fragile population:

The US pulled the plug on AGOA at the end of December and import duties of up to 34 percent were reintroduced. Now we are starting to see the effects in the formal and informal economy:

• Factories closing and factory jobs lost
• Increased competition among street traders now that former factory workers are pushed out to sell goods in overly crowded street markets
• Knock-on effects in neighboring countries (Mauritius, Swaziland, Lesotho, South Africa) which made inputs like zippers to Madagascar’s factories.

Among the effects we are NOT seeing: signs of increased interest in arriving at a power-sharing agreement or instating democratic governance on the part of Rajoelina’s government. 

The ensuing chain of events would prove Easterly right. Madagascar plunged into a deep economic crisis, while those responsible for the political crisis were unaffected, remaining in power for five years after the coup d'état. New 4X4s proliferate in certain towns, inhabited by a small wealthy minority, while the majority of the population rapidly grows poorer. In 2013, 90 percent of Madagascans were living on less than two US dollars per day.

Economic sanctions and military intervention in Mali

After Captain Amadou Sanogo and his troops took power [en] in 2012, the international community immediately announced sanctions and withdrew its development aid in Mali. But the situation rapidly worsened as rebel groups fought for independence for Northern Mali [en] and international military intervention began, led by France.

Food being distributed to Malian refugees. Photo via Wikimedia Commons
CC-BY-NC

The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Malian minister for humanitarian action issued a final report on the impacts of the crisis. The report was unambiguous on the negative impact of the sanctions on the country's economy and its dependence on development aid:

The economic sanctions include two elements: the suspension of development aid by the technical and financial partners, and the economic embargo imposed by the Economic Community of West African States:

La manifestation des conséquences de ces évènements a été perçue à travers les aspects suivants :
- la suspension de la coopération avec les partenaires ;
- la baisse de l’activité (investissement, production, bancaire, commerciale, import/export, inflation) ;
- la détérioration du pouvoir d’achat des populations à travers la hausse de l’indice des prix à la consommation, la dégradation de la confiance des agents économiques (incertitudes) ;
- la baisse des recettes budgétaires (révision du budget, etc… ) ;
- la baisse des dépenses en faveur des secteurs sociaux (CSCRP, OMD, etc.).
[...] Un des enseignements clés de la crise politique et sécuritaire réside dans la très grande dépendance du Mali vis-à-vis de ses relations extérieures. [...]

The consequences of these events have been revealed through the following conditions:
- the suspension of cooperation with partners;
- the decline in activity (investment, production, bank, commercial, import/export, inflation);
- the decline in the population's buying power through the increase in the consumer price index, and the loss of confidence of economic agents (uncertainties);
- the decline in budgetary revenues (budget revisions, etc.);
- the decline in spending on social sectors (the Strategic Framework for Growth and Poverty Reduction and the [United Nations'] Millennium Development Goals, etc.).
[...] One of the key lessons of the political and security crisis lies in Mali's great dependence on its foreign relations. [...]

Once again, the imposed sanctions penalized the already fragile local population. These sanctions did not result in a return to good government, as external military intervention was necessary to stabilize the country.

It appears that the international community has learned from these events. The recently proposed sanctions against Russia seem more targeted towards the leaders at fault.

However, unanswered questions remain regarding the reasons that motivate the imposition of sanctions on certain countries. The economic interests of countries seem to be significant factors in the way these decisions are approached by the international community.

Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.

Militias in Central African Republic Block Muslims Exit to Cameroon

Militia members in the Central African Republic. (Screen capture from YouTube video)

By Stephanie Nebehay
Christian militia forces are blocking the main roads used by Muslim civilians trying to flee Central African Republic to Cameroon and attacking the refugees, the United Nations said on Friday, citing accounts from 'traumatized' victims.

Some refugees have suffered serious machete and gunshot wounds and many are severely malnourished after walking for months, having to detour and enter Cameroon via remote entry points, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said.

"New arrivals have told our colleagues the militias have blocked main roads to Cameroon, forcing people to wade through the bush for two to three months before reaching the border. The refugees also said that the anti-balaka attacked them during the flight," UNHCR spokeswoman Melissa Fleming said.

The agency showed a video of refugees crossing over a river into Gbiti, near Kentzou in Cameroon, a week ago, some with machete gashes on their faces, others with swollen feet.

Read More

Muslims Feel Under Fire in Central African Republic — Video

Girl in front of destroyed homes in Ngaoundaye,
Central African Republic: CAR has faced decades of
ethno-religious strife. (Photo by hdptcar)

Muslims feel under fire in Central African Republic (via Repost Video News)

After months of violence Muslims in Central African Republic are feeling vulnerable despite the presence of French and African Union troops in the country. Duration: 01:00

‘Central African Republic's Most Pressing Need Is Security for its People’

Béatrice Epaye (Photo via the CAR Press blog, Pubic Domain)

By Rakotomalala
Béatrice Epaye is a former member of Parliament and today a member of the Central African Republic's National Transition Council (CNT), the body tasked with selecting a transitional president who will lead the war-torn country until the next presidential elections. When an uprising plunged the country into crisis in late 2012, the previous President-elect François Bozizé was removed by the Séléka rebels.

The terrible religious conflict continues still in the Central African Republic (CAR). On February 19, heavy fighting erupted near the airport in the capital Bangui. Anti-Balaka groups tried to block the evacuation of Muslims and disrupted a visit by a top United Nations (UN) aid official.
Epaye agreed to answer our questions on the current situation in the Central African Republic and the steps which need to be taken to avoid a human catastrophe in her country. In addition to her role on the National Transition Council, she is the president of the “La Voix du Coeur” (Voice of the Heart) Centre, which is currently a place of welcome and support for street children in Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic. She also sits on the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa's parliament (CEMAC) in Malabo in Equatorial Guinea, where she represents the Council.
Global Voices (GV): What's the latest situation in your area? 

Béatrice Epaye (BE): Je suis une habitante de Bangui la capitale de la RCA, une ville meurtrie par le conflit. Tous les jours, de chez moi, j'entends des coups de feux venus de certains quartiers de Bangui. Ma maison comme beaucoup d’autres accueillent des proches venus de quartiers plus fragiles. Les gens fuient et beaucoup se sont regroupés dans des lieux qu'ils estiment sécurisés : Aéroport, Mosquées, Églises, dans des familles, en brousse dans la périphérie de Bangui ou en République Démocratique du Congo de l'autre côté du fleuve Oubangui.

De même, le Centre « Voix du Cœur » que j’ai fondé est devenu un lieu de regroupement pour les enfants de la rue en détresse. Là chrétiens et musulmans se côtoient, s’entraident.

Béatrice Epaye (BE): I live in Bangui the capital of the CAR, a town battered by conflict. Every day from my own home I hear shots coming from different areas of Bangui. Like many others, my house welcomes friends who come from the most fragile areas. People are fleeing and many gather together in areas which they feel are more secure: the airport, mosques, churches, with families, in the bush on the edge of Bangui, or in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the other side of the Ubangi River.
Likewise, the Voice of the Heart Centre which I founded has become a gathering place for distressed street children. Christians and Muslims come together and help each other.

GV: How do you manage the uncertainties? What are the most pressing needs so far?

BE: Effectivement c'est une situation difficile et précaire pour tout le monde : à tout moment le pire peut se produire! Quand on sent le danger, on cherche un abri.
Le plus difficile pour les familles et sur les sites des déplacés, c'est de ne pas avoir à manger ni avoir la possibilité de se soigner. Les salaires ne sont pas payés depuis 4 mois, et l'aide humanitaire n'est pas suffisante, ou même parfois inexistante. Dans leurs fuites les populations ont laissé derrière elles le nécessaire pour le quotidien et manquent du minimum pour la survie. Ensuite les enfants ne vont pas à l'école… on en est à un tel point que je ne peux pas le décrire.

BE: It's really a very difficult and precarious situation for everyone: the worst can happen at any moment! When we sense danger we look for shelter.

The most difficult thing for the families, and at the internally displaced persons sites, is having nothing to eat and no possibility of taking care of yourself. Salaries haven't been paid in four months, and humanitarian aid is not sufficient and sometimes even non-existent. As they fled, populations left behind things necessary for daily life and don't have the minimum needed to survive. Then children aren't going to school… we've reached such a point that I can't even describe it.

GV: How has the violence between Christians and Muslims increased so quickly in a country that isn't known for religious conflicts?

BE: Effectivement, le pays n'a jamais connu de conflits religieux. Les deux communautés ont toujours vécu ensemble en cohésion. Les familles s'échangent les repas lors des fêtes de Pâques, de la Tabaski, du Ramadan, de Noël et lors des mariages religieux. Lors du coup d’État nous avons vu parmi les rebelles des étrangers, engagés comme mercenaires. Depuis le début de leur progression ils ont utilisé les communautés musulmanes avec un discours de libérateurs des musulmans face aux mécréants qui les maltraitent. Ils ont pu enrôler beaucoup de jeunes qui les ont aidé à s'attaquer aux biens de l’église et faire les exactions que nous avons tous connues. Jusqu’à maintenant, nous avons toujours recherché à vivre en harmonie entre Centrafricains, avec nos différences de confessions ; comme nation, nous avons aussi accueilli beaucoup de personnes et de familles venant des pays voisins.

Cependant, il y a l'attitude de certains agents de l’État face à des concitoyens ou des résidents qu’ils supposent musulmans. Ceux-ci sont freinés dans leur démarche pour un papier administratif ou pour passer un barrage des forces de l'ordre. De même, les populations du nord-est de la RCA proches du Tchad et du Soudan (Darfour), vivant à plus de 1000 KM de la capitale, et majoritairement musulmanes, bénéficient peu du soutien de l’Etat parce que l’administration et les services publics sont quasi inexistants dans cette région, ce qui peut amener les habitants à se sentir laissés pour compte. Ces populations sont plus liées aux populations frontalières des autres pays voisins, ce qui est normal et parlent ensemble la même langue, ont une culture proche, mais ils sont alors perçus comme étrangers et eux-mêmes se sentent loin de la majorité chrétienne du pays. Au cœur du conflit que nous vivons, en ce moment, la grande majorité silencieuse des Centrafricains refusent la violence et beaucoup ont eu a agir pour protéger ou sauver la vie d’autres, souvent d’une autre communauté religieuse qu’eux.

BE: The country has never really known religious conflict. The two communities have always lived together with cohesion. Families exchange meals at Easter, Tabaski, Ramadan, Christmas and at religious marriages. When the revolution happened, we saw foreigners amongst the rebels, taken on as mercenaries. Since they started to advance they've made use of Muslim communities by making speeches about freeing Muslims from infidels who have treated them badly. They were able to recruit many young people who have helped them attack church property and carry out abuses which we've all experienced. Until now, we've always sought a harmonious life between Central Africans with our different faiths. As a nation we've also welcomed many people and families from neighbouring countries.

However, there is an attitude which certain public officials have concerning fellow citizens or residents who they believe to be Muslim. The movement of these people is slowed down by checking administrative documents or going through a security checkpoint. In the same way, populations in the northeast of the CAR close to Chad and Sudan (Darfour), who live more than 1,000 km from the capital and the majority of whom are Muslims, receive little benefit from state aid because the administration and public services are almost non-existent in this region, which can lead to local residents feeling overlooked. These populations are more closely linked to border populations from other neighbouring countries, which is normal, they speak the same language together, have cultural similarities, but then they are seen as foreigners and themselves feel a long way from the country's Christian majority. At the heart of the conflict which we're living in at the moment is the large Christian silent majority refuses violence and many have had to act to protect or save other people's lives, often from a different religious community to their own.

GV: You say that it's critical that the communities talk to each other and have a dialogue in order to solve problems. In your opinion, what conditions are needed in order to set up this dialogue? How can the international community help in this area?

BE: J'estime que parallèlement à la sécurisation du pays il faut commencer la réconciliation entre les communautés.

Tout d'abord, rassurer la communauté musulmane qui est en train de quitter le pays, elle fait partie prenante de la RCA. Il s'agit de réfuter toute idée soit de les chasser, soit de scission du pays. Il faut éliminer dans les mentalités la confusion systématique entre Seleka et musulman.

Inviter à ouvrir un processus de dialogue politique entre toutes les parties prenantes aux conflits, mais aussi avec les acteurs non-armés afin de lancer un processus de réconciliation nationale à même d'apaiser aujourd'hui les populations désemparées et leur redonner confiance dans l'avenir.

Dès la rentrée scolaire, qu'on commence à mettre en place un programme sur le vivre ensemble pour les enfants, et aussi l'élargir dans les quartiers et villages.

Il faut renforcer la sensibilisation déjà initiée par la plate-forme inter-religieuse dans les Églises, les Mosquées et autres Temples, ainsi que d'autres initiatives locales qui concourent à la paix”. Il est vrai que l'idée d'organiser des élections fait partie des priorités de la Communauté internationale, mais cette idée fait certainement peur à la communauté musulmane centrafricaine. C'est pourquoi il serait souhaitable que parallèlement au processus électoral, soit amorcé un programme de réconciliation nationale, une démarche qui assure à chacun qu’il sera reconnu comme centrafricain à part entière.

BE: I believe that parallel to securing the country we have to start the reconciliation process between communities.

First of all, we must reassure the Muslim community, which is in the process of leaving the country, that they are a stakeholder in the CAR. We have to refute any idea of banishing them or splitting the country. We have to eliminate the systematic confusion in people's minds between Seleka and Muslim.

We must encourage the opening of a political dialogue between all parties taking part in the conflict, but also key players who are not fighting, in order to start a national reconciliation process to give comfort to helpless populations and give them back confidence in the future.

Once the new school year begins we must set up a children's program about living together and also extend this to urban areas and villages.

We have to support the raising of public awareness, which has already been initiated by the inter-religious platform in churches, mosques, and other temples, just like other local initiatives which lead to peace. It's true that the idea of organising elections is amongst the priorities of the international community, but this idea also scares the Central African Muslim community. That's why it would be desirable to launch a national reconciliation program alongside the electoral process, an approach which assures everyone that they will be recognised as fully Central African.

GV: What are the other pressing needs for Central Africa at the moment? What solutions can be put forward?

BE: Le besoin le plus pressant pour la RCA c'est d'abord la sécurité pour son peuple. L'idéal serait que les familles rentrent chez elles avant les premières pluies du mois de février, que l'aide humanitaire arrive aux habitants partout où on peut les trouver (alimentation, eau potable, soins, couchages, produits d'hygiène, vêtements…). Ce serait aussi le paiement des salaires aux fonctionnaires.

BE: The CAR's most pressing need is security for its people. Ideally, families would be able to return to their homes before the first rains in February and humanitarian aid would arrive for local people wherever they are (food, drinking water, medical supplies, sleeping bags, hygiene products, clothes..). Also, public officials would have their salaries paid.

Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.

Chasing Ghosts in the Central African Republic: What On the Surface Looks Like Sectarian Violence in CAR is a Much More Complex and Far Reaching Conflict

Rebel in northern Central African Republic (Photo by hdptcar)

By Nanjala Nyabola

A violent and brutal conflict is underway in the Central African Republic. Although English-speaking media has only recently began to pay real attention to the progress of the conflict, the current phase of violence goes as far back as January 2013, and is deeply intertwined with the history of the country.

At its simplest, the conflict apparently pits the Muslim Seleka rebels against the Christian anti-balaka militia groups. Yet the seemingly random lynching of individuals, notably minutes after a presidential address in Bangui, which has brought the crisis in the CAR to the attention of the non-Francophone world, suggests that even these categories may be insufficient.

Four individuals have occupied the CAR presidency since March 2013, and even though the country made the history books recently by appointing as transitional leader the third female head of state in contemporary Africa, there is little to celebrate as the fighting escalates in scale and in brutality. Is this just another case of "Africans gone mad"? Are poor people really so irrational that they would begin to randomly massacre each other in broad daylight on the basis of their religion? Or is there more to this story?

Continue Reading...

Gory Lynching of Muslim By Soldiers in Central African Republic Caught On Camera As Ethno-Religious Strife Continues (Warning: Graphic Content)

The new leader of the Central African Republic, President Samba-Panza appears to be
a mere figurehead.  Here she tells a crowd that vigilantism and other forms of lawless-
ness will be punished. Moments after she leaves a Muslim man being transported to
safety falls off of the truck and is promptly beaten to death by her troops in front of a
cheering crowd. (Screen capture from video)

The man was murdered right after the president of the CAR departed - After
giving a speech warning against vigilantism.

Crisis in Central African Republic: Nearly One Million Displaced - Over 1000 Dead in Clashes Between Muslims and Christians

Child displaced by the ethnic strife in Central African Republic.
(Screen capture from video)

Crisis in Central African Republic (via Repost Video News)

Nearly one million people in the Central African Republic have fled their homes seeking refuge from violence that has overwhelmed the country and left more than 1,000 dead and nearly half the population hungry and in desperate need of health care. The…