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Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts

Haiti: An Occupation in Blackface



The U.S. invaded and occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934, and again occupied the country in 2004 after overthrowing the democratically elected government. The United Nations then partnered with the aggression, installing MINUSTAH, a largely Black and brown military force that brought a cholera epidemic, looting of mineral resources, rape, assassinations and a criminally corrupt puppet regime.

Street protest in Haiti.

By Dr. Jemima Pierre, BAR Editor and Columnist
“Haiti’s sovereignty has been snuffed out over the past eleven years by a multiracial coalition of Caribbean, Latin American and African countries.”

July 28, 2015 marked the one hundredth anniversary of the landing of US Marines in Haiti and the beginning of a military occupation of the Black Republic that lasted nineteen years. With its massacres of Haitian peasants, its control of Haiti’s finances, its suppression of the Haitian press, and its dissolution of the Haitian legislature – all backed by a combination of Jim Crow ideology and Monroe Doctrine exceptionalism – the occupation represents a searing annotation in the history of Haitian sovereignty. Yet the memory of the US occupation sits awkwardly in the context of the Haitian present, where a new occupation is currently in its eleventh year, begging the question posed by The Public Archive (@public_archive) on twitter, “How do you memorialize occupation in the middle of occupation?”

The latest occupation began June 2004 and was established under the pretext of “stabilizing” Haiti after the U.S.-sponsored ouster of the country’s democratically elected president, Jean Bertrand Aristide. A plot hatched by France, Canada, and the US (during the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti”) to overthrow Aristide in 2003 succeeded in February 2004 when Aristide was kidnapped by US marines and sent to a military base in the Central African Republic. George W. Bush then announced he was sending US forces to Haiti to “help stabilize the country.” As Peter Hallward documents, this “Franco-American” invasion force targeted and killed Aristide supporters, it installed a puppet Prime Minister, and enabled the formation of a paramilitary force that set up anti-Aristide death squads. The coup was then cleaned up by the United Nations. Under its leadership, particularly that of then Secretary-General Kofi Anan, the UN Security Council voted unanimously on April 29, 2003 to send, according to Hallward, “an 8,300-strong UN Stabilization Force from 1 June, under the leadership of Lula’s Brazil.”

“The coup was cleaned up by the United Nations.”

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) is a multi-billion dollar military occupation that has had, in any given year, between 6000 and 9000 military troops and police, and a few thousand civilian personnel. While there is no civil war in Haiti, and while crime rates are higher in other nations in the Western hemisphere – including Jamaica and the U.S. – MINUSTAH has had its illegal mandate renewed and extended every year. Under this occupation, the US and its allies, France and Canada, have been able to install another puppet government, the neo-Duvalierist Michel Martelly. Martelly has opened up Haiti to further fleecing, including of its known gold and mineral resources, has been working diligently to reinstate the brutal Haitian military, and has been ruling by decree since January 2015. And similar to the first US occupation of Haiti, MINUSTAH has committed a number of atrocious acts against Haitians – rape, assassinations, and physical violence. MINUSTAH is also responsible for bringing cholera into the country, a disease that has killed more than 9000 Haitians and infected hundreds of thousands. Despite the deaths, and despite the evidence proving their culpability, the United Nations has enjoyed immunity from prosecution.

“For Brazil, the country in Latin America with the largest Black population and a supposedly leftist government, Haiti is its “imperial ground zero.”

While the current occupation was initiated and continues to be largely funded by the U.S. and the United Nations, Haiti’s sovereignty has been snuffed out over the past eleven years by a multiracial coalition of Caribbean, Latin American and African countries. This may be the most sinister and least talked about aspect the occupation and Haiti’s loss of sovereignty, and the one that requires our attention and contempt. In the first instance, there’s Brazil. Brazil has been in charge of the military wing of the occupation since its beginning. It has spent upwards of $750 million in its occupation of Haiti. For Brazil, the country in Latin America with the largest Black population and a supposedly leftist government, Haiti is its “imperial ground zero”: through its occupation of this Black nation, it can establish itself as a regional power, to show the Americans and Europeans that its ready for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, while bringing back its military terror to its own poor Black and Brown favela dwellers.

Perhaps more egregious is the occupation’s new Black leadership. The head of the MINUSTAH mission in Haiti is Sandra Honoré, of Trinidad and Tobago. A career diplomat and former ambassador to Costa Rica, Honoré takes up the post previously held by Mariano Fernández Amunátegui of Chile. Her deputy is the Black American, Carl Alexandre, an attorney who previously worked as the “Resident Legal Advisor” for the U.S. Embassy in Haiti. This Black leadership is accompanied by a multinational military force made up of a number of South American, Caribbean, and African countries, including Argentina, Chile, Columbia, Jamaica, Grenada, Benin, Burkina Faso, Egypt, Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Guinea, Cameroon, Niger, and Mali.

If in 1915 the sovereignty of the Black Republic was extinguished by white power, today, whitesupremacy over Haiti occurs under cover of Blackface.

_________________
Jemima Pierre can be reached at BAR1804@gmail.com


 Reprinted with permission from Black Agenda Report.

Israel’s Naval Blockade Against Gaza: Recolonizing International Law

Israel invokes the privileges of engaging in international armed conflict but denies Palestinians their corresponding entitlements under the same body of law. This is the colonial nature of Israel’s legal logic.

Photo by William Murphy.
Photo by William Murphy.
By Azeezah Kanji
One year after the onslaught of violence Israel called “Operation Protective Edge,” Gaza is still in ruins. Infrastructure, homes, and psyches destroyed by the assault remain shattered; according to Oxfam International, it could take more than 100 years to rebuild Gaza’s housing, education, and health infrastructure at the current rate of reconstruction. This state of unrepaired—irreparable—destruction testifies to the suffocating, stultifying effect of Israel’s siege of Gaza. In 2007, Israel imposed a policy of land closure on the Gaza Strip, severely restricting the movement of people and goods in and out of the territory as a punishment for Hamas’s 2006 electoral victory. A naval blockade followed in 2009, tightening the vice on the besieged population.

Under the land-and-sea blockade, Israel has deprived the population of food, medical supplies, and building equipment—not to mention a long, sundry list of other basics items (light bulbs and baby formula, mattresses and blankets, shampoo and conditioner). The naval blockade is Israel’s legal justification for the interception of successive Freedom Flotillas carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza: interceptions which would otherwise contravene the freedom of the high seas in international law.

Legal experts have decried the unlawfulness of Israel’s blockade under international humanitarian law (the technical term for the laws of war): because it violates the restriction on blockades with the purpose or effect of civilian starvation; because it violates the prohibition on collective punishment of civilian populations during war; because it violates Israel’s obligation as an occupying power to ensure adequate supply of food and medicine to the occupied. (Israel denies that it occupies Gaza, because it formally withdrew from the territory in 2005. However, due to Israel’s continued exertion of multiple forms of power in the Gaza Strip—including control of the territory’s land crossings, territorial waters, airspace, telecommunications, and electricity; deployment of military incursions, rocket attacks, and sonic booms; management of the Palestinian Population Registry; and regular exercise of its capacity to invade Gaza, and arrest and prosecute its residents—multiple authorities have concluded that Gaza is still occupied.)

But beyond the question of legality or illegality, Israel’s appeal to international law to justify the naval blockade disturbingly, but tellingly, resembles European colonial powers’ use of international law in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: to legitimise the violence of the colonisers, and delegitimise the resistance of the colonised. In its profound asymmetry, Israel’s approach to this somewhat obscure, technical legal question illuminates something of its colonial logic.

Israel: having its legal cake and eating it

Israeli government officials claim that the sea blockade is in compliance with international law, insisting that a sea blockade is an accepted means of warfare according to the laws of armed conflict. However, international law only permits naval blockades in the context of international armed conflict, a special legal category of conflict that imposes a framework of reciprocal rights and obligations on warring parties. Under the law of international armed conflict, fighters on both sides are recognised as privileged combatants: they can legally kill opposing combatants, and can be targeted for attack; they are entitled to be treated as prisoners of war (not insurgents or criminals) if captured. And territories and populations occupied in international armed conflicts are shielded by the relatively robust rules of the Fourth Geneva Convention: occupying powers must treat the occupied civilian population humanely, and protect it from violence; occupiers can only use force necessary for maintaining law and order; and they must guarantee that occupied territories are provided with food and medical supplies.

But Israel categorically refuses Palestinians the status of legitimate combatants. Instead, Palestinian fighters are treated as “unlawful combatants”: a concocted legal category of individuals who may be targeted for assassination, but enjoy none of the rights of lawful combatants. For example, unlike lawful combatants, Palestinian “unlawful combatants” can be criminally prosecuted, and administratively detained indefinitely. And Israel has constructed this category broadly to include all active members of “terrorist organisations” (with “terrorist organisations” also defined expansively), ensnaring those who would normally be protected in international law as civilians. In international humanitarian law there are combatants—who may kill and be killed—and civilians—who may not kill and may not be targeted for killing (unless they are “directly participating in hostilities”).

In Gaza, for Israel, there are only “terrorists”—who may be killed but may never kill, who may be subject to seemingly unlimited death and destruction but may not legally use force themselves.

And Israel disavows its obligations as an occupying power, insisting that Gaza is not occupied. Instead, Israel has labelled Gaza a non-sovereign “hostile territory”: another concocted legal category, which Israel deploys to exercise the effective control of an occupier, without the accompanying legal responsibilities or restraints. The denial of occupation enables Israel to employ massive amounts of military force in Gaza—a prerogative unavailable to occupiers, who are obligated to safeguard the welfare of occupied populations.

At the same time, Israel and its apologists use the denial of Palestinian sovereignty to delegitimise Palestinian force as non-state terrorism. The “hostile territory” and its occupants are accorded neither the powers and rights of the sovereign, nor the protections and rights of the occupied. Rather, they are expelled to a space of exception, as Lisa Hajjar and Mark LeVine write, “outside the reach of IHL [international humanitarian law] and thus open to any and all policies Israel may choose to impose, without fear of violating—at least according to Israel's interpretations—international human rights and humanitarian norms”.

While Israel invokes the privileges of engaging in international armed conflict, such as imposition of a blockade, it denies Palestinians their corresponding entitlements under the same body of law. To exercise right without restriction, and to execute violence without vulnerability: this is the fundamental asymmetry of Israel’s colonial legal logic.

The colonial past, present, and future

Israel justifies its exceptional interpretation of international law by proclaiming that the situation in Gaza is sui generis: unique and unprecedented. However, as legal scholar Obiora Okafor warns, declarations of newness often disguise continuities with the imperial past. Israel’s interpretation of the laws of war resurrects the reasoning of European colonial powers, which used international law as an instrument to subjugate colonised peoples.

As our contemporary laws of war developed in Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, colonisers denigrated the colonised as “savages” and “barbarians” to justify their ejection from the ambit of law. While the laws of war were applied to limit violence in conflicts between “civilised,” sovereign European states, and to protect occupied European populations, they were held inapplicable to wars against “uncivilised,” non-sovereign colonised subjects.

“The rules of International Law apply only to warfare between civilised nations, where both parties understand them and are prepared to carry them out,” the British military manual of 1907 stated. “They do not apply in wars with uncivilised States and tribes, where their place is taken by the discretion of the commander.” For as US Army lawyer Captain Elbridge Colby explained in a piece titled ‘How to Fight Savage Tribes,’ defending the bombing of Damascus by the French in 1925:


“It should be [a] clear understanding that this is a different kind of war, this which is waged by native tribes, that that which might be waged between advanced nations of western culture. Ferocity and ruthlessness are not essential; but it is essential to recognise the different character of the people”.

The war against “savage tribes” had to be total war: war in which the distinctions between combatants and non-combatants, permissible weapons and impermissible weapons, were dissolved. Unrestricted colonial violence was legitimated, while the violence of the “unicivilised” colonised in response to the colonial assault was rendered illegitimate. The colonised were subject to war, but not entitled to make war; subject to aggression, but not entitled to respond with force.

Unlike colonisers of previous centuries, Israel claims to apply international humanitarian law in its exercises of colonial violence. But Israel’s invocation of law only serves to place Palestinians outside its protection. From “savages” to “unlawful combatants,” from “barbarians” to “terrorists,” from “colony” to “hostile territory”—these are the spaces of exception reserved for those represented as non-sovereign and less human. The names on the map may have changed, but the colonial legal landscape is familiar.

Israel’s legal contortions are not simply violations of international humanitarian law, but an attempt to change it—to fortify colonial structures of exception and exclusion. In the words of former senior Israeli military lawyer Daniel Reisner, “If you do something long enough, the world will accept it. International law progresses through violations”. Indeed, several of Israel’s legal innovations (or regressions, more accurately) have been adopted by the United States in its imperial “war on terror.” The colonial nature of Israel’s legal logic reflects the colonial nature of its project, and must be resisted as such.


Reprinted with permission from openDemocracy.

US Imperialism in Haiti. Criminality of the Michel Martelly Regime

Ezili Danto
Ezili Danto
By Ezili Dantò
In 2004, the US brought Mauritania, which actually still enslaves Black Africans to participate in the UN “peacekeeping” forces in the land that abolished European slavery in combat in 1804.

In 2015, to flaunt their terror closer, the US is reportedly deploying Mexico as “peacekeepers” to the mix in Haiti.

Mexico, a US colony where tens of thousands are force to flee the imperial violence there, described as the ongoing drug war, kidnapping/human trafficking epidemic, and violent corruption. There ‘s no need then to explain what UN “peacekeeping” missions around the globe are all about.

Eleven years after the UN mission began in Haiti, it brought dictatorship, a virulent cholera epidemic, tens of thousands of deaths, rapes of women, men and children and more jails than ever before in Haiti’s 200 year old history.

UN "peacekeeper" in Haiti - They won't leave. (Photo by Global Panorama)
UN "peacekeeper" in Haiti - They won't leave. (Photo by Global
Panorama
)
But, we fight back and not being a full-fledged US-Euro colony, the Haitian people still control more lands, more offshore islands and Haiti is still less violent than all the other 14 colonized countries in the Caribbean. The Obamas, Clintons and Bushes aim to fix that problem.

Haiti is the colonial marketplace these world powers amuse themselves with, by apportioning it off, at will, to various nations and commercial allies. They don’t understand this collective soul that refuses to lose its innocence. Haiti’s innocence terrifies the psychopaths. They’ve got to create a travesty like Martelly to comfort themselves about Haiti’s corruptibility. The New York Times needed to write that article for the US vampires to sit back and believe their hype.

The truth reveals madness. That the plantation called Haiti is where brutal, modern-day feudal pillage and European rape are masked as foreign aid and NGO benevolence. Mexico is sending “peacekeepers” to Haiti? A Mexico known for awful treatment of its people, for drug traffic and kidnapping epidemics. A Mexico destroyed by US imperialism and unfair trade. The question for Haiti to ask, is how is Mexico connected to the Bill and Hillary Clinton Foundation -(ie. privatizing US government assets for personal use)? Here’s a possibility:

“Vancouver mining financier Frank Giustra is teaming with former U.S. president Bill Clinton and Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim to create a $20-million (U.S.) fund that will finance small businesses in earthquake-ravaged Haiti.”

Soooo, former narco-trafficker Carlos Slim, a Clinton Foundation donor and the riches man in the world, just got a few jobs for Mexican soldiers in Haiti? The cost to him is perhaps just a mere $100 million donation to the Clinton Giustra Sustainable Growth Initiative or $20 million to the Clinton, Guistra, Slim Fund, uhm “for Haiti?”. But for that and other such “corporate investments”, Mr, Slim and others in his financial echelon are probably also getting the use of UN logo on helicopters, ships and tanks for the CIA’s old drug trade, no? Giustra is known for getting his pal, Bill Clinton to help with getting state mining deals and concessions. The story of Larry Rodham’s Haiti gold mine and the roles of Eurasian Minerals, Newmont Mining, Frank Guistra, Barrick Gold, VCS and St.Genevieve mining won’t be written by the New York Times in time to stop mining on the quake fault line in Haiti’s Northern resource belt. Vancouver mining magnate, Frank Giustra owns a part of the NYT. (See F. William Engdahl’s “Hillary: The New York Times Will Never Tell Us This | New Eastern Outlookhttp://bit.ly/1IcZa7L .)

The ugly destruction of the planet is played out straight in our faces. But it’s legal to lie now according to new Obama US laws, so the misinformation swirls more overtly.

Here’s the NYT times, a day late, a dollar short reporting (http://bit.ly/1IcKdCS) on the criminality of the Michel Martelly regime. Notice it comes, not when Haitians where daily protesting against Martelly, the legal bandits and rejecting the murders, fraud and ascendancy to formal dictatorship. Oh no. It comes after the formal neo-Duvalier dictatorship begins. After Samantha Powers, Pamela White, Susan Rice, Hollywood and the Clintons have solidified Obama’s strongman in Haiti. Why? Because mainstream media, like the NYT, are also part of the organized syndicate working against the well being of the people of Haiti. Their part and parcel of the imperial mafia. The NYT article exposes the crimes of the lowly soldier for empire, Michel Martelly. It’s like reading a police crime blotter sheet on Martelly.

It’s all true and Haitians in our circle have been naming these crimes and fighting this corruption daily. The misinformation part is that Michel Martelly, Laurent Lamothe and the rest of the US thugs were not put in power by a free Haiti. They’re mere employees of the US bosses who put them in power and keep them in power against the Haitian people’s constant dissent and struggle. The New York Times did not point out that Michel Martelly has been ruling by decree since before Parliament was officially dissolved. It did not list the deep politics and crimes of the top US-Euro bosses in Haiti that orchestrated this travesty. Never mentioned the respondeat superior - how Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama finished the Bushes’ project to destroy democracy and installed outright dictatorship back into Haiti.

The Haiti struggle is the greatest untold David vs Goliath battle being played out on planet earth. But, we who don’t assimilate are Haitians, from the womb to the tomb and Desalin is always rising. Desalin taught us how to stand alone against the greatest evils on planet earth and say no.–

____________
Ezili Dantò, HLLN/Free Haiti Movement, March 21, 2015


Reprinted with permission from Center for Research in Globalization.

Uprooted by Israel — Abandoned by the World: The Plight of Palestine’s Refugees

Stateless Palestinian refugees, 1948. (Photo provided by Blatant World)
Stateless Palestinian refugees, 1948. (Photo provided by Blatant World)
By Charlotte Silver
Hisham has spent his 23 years in Aida refugee camp in the occupied West Bank. He lives there with his parents, and has watched all but one of his seven siblings grow up, marry and make their own lives and homes.

Living in a camp run by UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestine refugees, Hisham and his family receive basic assistance: a monthly food subsidy, education and medical services. They do not receive the protections to which refugees are entitled under international law.

That much became clear when Hisham tried to move to Canada five years ago.

After his brother, Muhammad, married a Canadian woman, Hisham sought to join them in Vancouver.

Hisham applied for asylum in Canada on the basis that he is a Palestinian refugee. When making his application, he produced a certificate issued by UNRWA. Yet the Canadian government turned down his application, arguing that the certificate was not proof that he was recognized as a refugee.

The episode illustrates how Palestinians are afforded less protection than refugees from other countries, a longstanding problem analyzed in a new publication by the Palestinian refugee advocacy group Badil.

For decades there have been two separate UN agencies for the world’s refugees: one for Palestinians, the other for everybody else. UNRWA is tasked with providing basic services to refugees from Palestine. Issues relating to other refugees are handled by the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

The establishment of two separate agencies occurred at the middle of the twentieth century amid fiery debate. Europe was reeling from mass displacement created by the Second World War. Arab states insisted that a separate agency dedicated solely to Palestinians be formed to ensure Palestinians wouldn’t be lost in the chaos of Europe’s post-war upheaval.

The right of Palestinians to return to their homes was supposed to be guaranteed.
Loss of safeguard

In September 1948, Folke Bernadotte, a Swedish diplomat, recommended the establishment of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP). One day after making that recommendation, Bernadotte, the UN Security Council’s first mediator in Palestine, was assassinated by the Zionist militia group Lehi.

The UNCCP was tasked with facilitating a permanent solution for refugees via repatriation, resettlement or compensation. UNRWA was to provide essential humanitarian assistance in the meantime.

In the early years, the UNCCP attempted to facilitate the return of some Palestinian refugees and intervened when Israel passed property and citizenship laws aimed at preempting any such return.

But Israel persisted in its refusal to offer any kind of repatriation, and soon the United Nations capitulated. The scope of the UNCCP’s mandate was made narrower as early as 1951.

The UNCCP’s funding was soon reduced, and by 1952 it was left tabulating refugees’ lost property in case Israel agreed to pay compensation in the future.

It finished this massive task by 1964 and all that is known of its work since then is that every year it publishes a one-page report stating “it has nothing new to report.”

The collapse of the UNCCP has meant Palestinian refugees have lost an essential safeguard.

Read More

Head of UN War Crimes Probe Steps Down — Following 'Malicious Attacks' from Israel

William Schabas, Canadian scholar and international law expert, resigned from the UN inquiry on Monday. (Photo:  Bangor University)
William Schabas, Canadian scholar and international law expert, resigned from the UN inquiry on Monday. (Photo:
Bangor University)

By Sarah Lazare
William Schabas, the head of a United Nations war crimes inquiry into Israel's 50-day military assault on Gaza last summer, announced his resignation on Monday, citing mounting and "malicious" attacks from Israel, which has vigorously opposed the probe.

Analysts say that Schabas' premature departure, which comes just a month before the commission's findings are slated for public release, fits into a larger pattern.

"This is consistent with an Israeli strategy of deflecting attention away from their violations of international law and UN resolutions by focusing on those who expose those violations," Phyllis Bennis, senior fellow at Institute for Policy Studies, told Common Dreams. "They focus on the messenger hoping the world will ignore the message."

Schabas, a scholar and international law expert based in Canada, was appointed in August by the head of the UN Human Rights Council to chair the inquiry, which was mandated to investigate "all violations of international humanitarian law."

From the outset, the United States and Israel have objected to the investigation, and the latter even prohibited the UN team from entering Israel, thereby forcing researchers to correspond with Palestinian witnesses using electronic communications from Jordan.

Israel's opposition comes despite the fact that the inquiry is examining all violations against civilians, by Israeli as well as Palestinian forces.

Since heading the panel, Schabas has been the subject of fierce criticism from the Israeli government and its advocates, including the Geneva-based organization UN Watch. The publication Mondoweiss raised concerns as early as August 15 that the scholar was being subject to unfair treatment, including in major media outlets.

A recent complaint by Israel's UN ambassador Eviatar Manor, in which he cited Schabas' one-time consulting job for the PLO in October 2012 as a "conflict of interest," is being widely cited in media reports about the latter's move to step down.

In his resignation letter, which was obtained by Reuters, Schabas argued that this consulting was no different from other legal opinions he's given to organizations and governments across the world, noting that his curriculum vitae and blog are entirely available to the public.

"My views on Israel and Palestine as well as on many other issues were well known and very public," he wrote. "This work in defense of human rights appears to have made me a huge target for malicious attacks."

Bennis concurs: "Schabas is a well-known figure in international law. His opinions on international law are public. He talked about them during his confirmation process."

Immediately following the resignation, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu released a statement calling for the entire inquiry to be scrapped. Meanwhile, Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Avigdor Liberman called the departure "another victory for Israeli diplomacy."

UN officials, however, say they are determined to move forward with publication of their findings.

Human rights advocates have raised concerns that, whatever the probe's findings, the United States will block any serious effort to hold Israel accountable.

Israel's attack on Gaza last summer killed at least 2,194 Palestinians, at least 75 percent of them civilians and over 500 of them children. Seventy-two Israelis, six of them civilians, also died in the conflict.

Israel destroyed over half of Gaza's hospitals and health centers and struck six UN schools sheltering Palestinians, including in cases where the UNRWA formally submitted coordinates of the shelters to the Israeli military.

Israel has been accused of committing possible war crimes during the offensive by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay.

"The Israelis have no substantive answer to allegations of human rights and international law violations that this commission and others have investigated," said Bennis, "so they are trying to discredit members of the commission."


Reprinted with permission from Common Dreams.

Africa’s Last Colony: Western Sahara

In lieu of a solution: Oxfam and the European Commission deliver humanitarian aid to the camps  around Tindouf. Flickr / European Commission DG ECHO. Some rights reserved.
In lieu of a solution: Oxfam and the European Commission deliver humanitarian aid to the camps
around Tindouf. Flickr / European Commission DG ECHO. Some rights reserved.

By Oscar Güell
As 2015 opens, the Sahrawi people of Western Sahara have been waiting for a self-determination referendum for four decades. They will wait longer due to the passivity of the international community.

“The biggest poverty that exists in the world is to lose your territory; we are not in our land and others are taking advantage of our wealth,” said Mahmoud Dellal, asked about the poverty in the refugee camps of Tindouf in Algeria, where he had spent more than 25 years of his life. He is one of the thousands of inhabitants of Western Sahara who had to leave the country 40 years ago, when it was occupied by Morocco.

Dellal lived in a refugee camp until 2000, when he moved to Spain because his wife had health problems which could not be addressed by the precarious health service there. But he doesn’t feel Spain is his home—only the Sahara. “Any person feels fine where he comes from; when you live in exile you lose your dreams,” he said. He is convinced that “Sahrawis will never stop fighting for what is theirs”.

The last colony in Africa, Western Sahara is divided by the second longest wall in the world (after the Great Wall of China). Located between the west of the desert and the Atlantic, it was assigned to Spain in the Berlin Conference of 1885, when the major European states distributed the African continent among themselves.

In 1965, with the world immersed in a decolonisation movement, the United Nations asked Spain to do likewise (it was then called Spanish Sahara). Spain abandoned the territory but it did not let the Sahrawis express their self-determination right as the UN resolution had sought: it transferred control to Morocco and Mauritania in 1975, by means of a tripartite agreement, the Madrid Accords.

When the agreement became effective, the Polisario Front, born in 1973 to fight the Spanish coloniser, waged war against Morocco and Mauritania, proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and created refugees camps in Algeria to host Sahrawis who escaped persecution by the occupying armies. In 1979 Mauritania withdrew but Morocco (with the support of France and the United States) continued the war against Polisario (supported by Algeria).

Hostilities were prolonged until 1991, when the parties agreed a ceasefire overseen by the UN, which organised a mission (MINURSO) to monitor the situation and organise a referendum on Sahrawi self-determination. But the referendum never took place, due to irreconcilable differences between the parties as to who had the right to vote. The UN continued renewing the MINURSO mandate annually, without any progress.

Unique

Nowadays, Western Sahara is the unique non-self-governing territory in Africa. The UN never recognised the Madrid Accords, because the arrangement “did not transfer sovereignty over the territory, nor did it confer upon any of the signatories the status of an administering Power”. Nor has the International Court of Justice recognised Moroccan sovereignty.

Therefore, according to international law, Spain remains the ‘administering power’, and decolonisation should end with the application of “the principle of self-determination through the free and genuine expression of the will of the people of this territory”. Nevertheless, any solution to the conflict seems remote.

The parties have very distant positions and the international community does not press them to achieve a solution. “Unless an unforeseen event will occur, this problem will not be solved because nobody wants it to be resolved,” said a Spanish expert on the Maghreb, Tomás Bárbulo. In the documentary Hijos de las Nubes the former French foreign minister Roland Dumas said that “no solution is the solution”. But what is really making this conflict irresolvable?

Polisario, recognised by the UN as the representative of the people of Western Sahara, is determined to get a referendum on self-determination. International law supports this, so the front is immovable. “We are not asking for anything strange—it is written in all UN resolutions and in the International Court of Justice,” said Mohamed Yumani, a member of Polisario and president of the Saharan Immigrant Association in Aragon (Spain).

On the other side, Morocco has always claimed—despite the UN’s contradiction—to have held sovereignty over Western Sahara before the Spanish colonisation and it attaches complete validity to the Madrid Accords, as “duly registered at the UN’s Secretariat General”. It accuses Polisario of blocking negotiations and having a “biased” understanding of self-determination, which it says need not necessarily be exercised through referendum—although this was already what the UN had called for in 1966. Morocco proposed an autonomy plan in 2007 but it is not in hurry to find a solution.

The Moroccan government feels comfortable with the status quo, which allows it to control and act as de facto administrator of most of the territory. Western Sahara is divided from north to south by a sand wall of 2,700km—further than from Madrid to Copenhagen—built by Morocco during the 80s. Nowadays, the Alaouite kingdom controls everything west of the barrier, including all the habitable territory and the natural resources.

Reserves

Phosphates and fisheries and (possibly) offshore oil and gas make Western Sahara one of the richest parts of the Maghreb. The BuCraa mine in the north contains one of the biggest reserves of phosphates in the world and, according to Western Sahara Resources Watch, generated the equivalent of $330m for Morocco last year. The EU is negotiating a fisheries agreement with Morocco for access to Western Sahara’s waters, worth €40m per year.

East of the wall, the area controlled by Polisario, there is only desert inhabited by some nomadic tribes. In the area occupied by Morocco, 70,000 natives mix with 150,000 Moroccan settlers, while there are some 165,000 refugees in the camps in Algeria and a further-scattered Sahrawi diaspora. Mohamed Yumani, who spent two decades in a camp, said that “life there is extremely difficult”. Sandstorms are common and the temperature reaches 50C in summer.

The camps, controlled by Polisario, are completely dependent on international aid, which has been reduced since the onset of the economic crisis. Gonzalo Moure, a Spanish aid worker who has visited several times, has seen evidence of child malnutrition. Yet Dellal envisages being back in Tindouf when his wife recovers.

Rabat has invested in Western Sahara—indeed its development and social services are superior to Morocco proper. But freedom is denied to those who favour independence or even a referendum. The UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, echoed complaints of abuses of civil and political rights in his last Western Sahara report—“particularly in the form of arrests without warrants, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in detention, confessions extracted under torture or violation of the right to a fair trial”.

Realpolitik


But the international community remains inert. “Western countries are interested in the Moroccan occupation because it provides iron control in a region that is a space of jihadist activity,” said Bárbulo. Their governments are applying Realpolitik, prioritising geopolitical and economic interests over international law and human rights.

Stephen Zunes, Middle East expert at the University of San Francisco, said in Hijos de las Nubes that the US “is unfortunately quite willing to sacrifice fundamental principles of international law in the name of supporting a strategic ally”. In his book about Western Sahara, Zunes asserts that France and the US have not only provided Morocco with material support but have dominated the approach by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to the conflict, avoiding condemnation of the occupation.

In 2013, during the debate on the annual renewal of MINURSO, the US proposed monitoring human-rights violations in Western Sahara but, due to Moroccan pressures, this was left out of the final resolution. In November that year, the king, Mohammed VI, visited the US president, Barack Obama, and the White House declared Morocco’s autonomy plan “serious, realistic, and credible”. Morocco has also invested roughly $20m since 2007 in “lobbying policymakers and soliciting sympathetic coverage from journalists in the United States”, according to an article published in Foreign Policy last February.

Among Western countries, Spain has an added responsibility as the de jure administering power. It acts, however, like the others: it doesn’t defend Moroccan occupation openly but its inaction supports it. A report that sets the basis of Spanish foreign policy for the next years says that an independent Western Sahara would be “non-homogeneous”, with inhabitants “susceptible to radicalisation”.

Gulf remains

Is any solution possible? Juan Domingo Torrejón, researcher in international relations at the University of Cadiz, points out that Chapter VII of United Nations Charter allows the Security Council to press ahead without the agreement of the parties. Yet the substantive gulf remains: “A solution based on the strict application of the self-determination right would be totally contrary to Moroccan interests, and France would veto it in the UNSC, but I neither see it possible to impose a formula favourable to Morocco without asking the population, because it would raise serious legal questions.” Torrejón also warned that “a favourable solution for any of the parties could cause instability in the Maghreb”.

This risk of instability favours the status quo, as a 2007 cable involving European diplomats published by Wikileaks indicates: “For Europe as a whole, the principal interest is that Morocco has been an island of stability in a crucial but shaky near neighbourhood; this stability must be preserved, so a solution to the Sahara problem that destabilises Morocco proper is undesirable.”

Last April, the MINURSO mandate was extended for one year more without any relevant change. In August, the Canadian Kim Bolduc was supposed to replace Wolfgang Weisbrod-Weber as head of MINURSO but at time of writing she had not been able to travel to her post—Morocco was apparently displeased that it had not been consulted about the appointment.

For Torrejón the stagnation can be also dangerous because the situation may deteriorate further: “There is not a solution on the table, the humanitarian conditions in the refugees camps are getting worse and tension between the parts in the territory controlled by Morocco has increased.” Meanwhile, said Bárbulo, young people in the camps wanted to go to war because they had seen how their parents lived “and they don’t want to live like them”.

Joining a war without prospect of victory makes no sense but the perspective is different in the camps: the emotions play a bigger role there and refugees have lost faith in the international community. “Young people don’t want to bear more and, even if we don’t arrive until the end, at least we will teach something to Morocco,” said Yumani.

And Dellal takes the long view: “Who thought that apartheid was going to end in South Africa?”



Reprinted with permission from openDemocracy.

Bill Gates, Vaccines and Population Control: Kenyan Doctors Say UN Didn't Tell Populace Tetanus Vaccine Was 'Laced' With A Powerful Contraceptive

"With great difficulty, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association managed to access the tetanus vaccine used during the WHO immunization campaign in March 2014 and subjected them to testing. The unfortunate truth is that the vaccine was laced with HCG. This proved right our worst fears; that this WHO campaign is not about eradicating neonatal tetanus but a well-coordinated forceful population control mass sterilization exercise using a proven fertility regulating vaccine."

Bill Gates: Vaccination Programs Help With Population Control





By MaterCare
"Let me authoritatively clarify the concerns raised by the Catholic Bishops on the just concluded tetanus vaccination by sharing extracts from the official position of the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association as below; feel free to share the article:

Tetanus is an incurable disease that infects the body through broken skin or wounds. The umbilical cord stamp of newborn babies is a possible entry point and makes them especially susceptible. It is best prevented through immunization with the tetanus toxoid (TT) vaccine.
We would like to assure the public that the normal vaccines available in both public and faith based organization in this country are clean. Generally speaking, the faith based medical facilities give the same if not more vaccinations than public institutions.

Our concern and the subject of this discussion is the WHO/UNICEF sponsored tetanus immunization campaign launched last year in October ostensibly to eradicate neonatal tetanus. It is targeted at girls and women between the ages of 14 – 49 (child bearing age) and in 60 specific districts spread all around the country. The tetanus vaccine being used in this campaign has been imported into the country specifically for this purpose and bears a different batch number from the regular TT. So far, 3 doses have been given – the first in October 2013, the second in March 2014 and the third in October 2014. It is highly possible that there are two more doses to go.




Giving five doses of tetanus vaccination every 6 months is not usual or the recommended regime for tetanus vaccination. The only time tetanus vaccine has been given in five doses is when it is used as a carrier in fertility regulating vaccines laced with the pregnancy hormone - Human Chorionic Gonadotropin (HCG) developed by WHO in 1992.

When tetanus is laced with HCG and administered in five doses every 6 months, the woman develops antibodies against both the tetanus and the HCG in 2 – 3 years after the last injection. Once a mother develops antibodies against HCG, she rejects any pregnancy as soon as it starts growing in her womb thus causing repeated abortions and subsequent sterility.

WHO conducted massive vaccinations campaigns using the tetanus vaccine laced with HCG in Mexico in 1993 and Nicaragua and Philippines in 1994 ostensibly to eradicate neonatal tetanus. The campaign targeted women aged 14 – 49 years and each received a total of 5 injections.

What is downright immoral and evil is that the tetanus laced with HCG was given as a fertility regulating vaccine without disclosing its ‘contraceptive effect’ to the girls and the mothers. As far as they were concerned, they had gone for an innocent injection to prevent neonatal tetanus!

Considering the similarity of the WHO tetanus vaccination exercise in South American with the Kenyan camping and with the background knowledge of WHO’s underhand population control initiatives, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association brought the matter to the attention of the Bishops and together sort audience with the Ministry of Health with only one request; that the tetanus vaccine being used in this campaign be tested to ensure it was not laced with HCG before the 2nd round of immunizations in March. The Ministry of Health declined to have the vaccine tested.

RELATED STORY: Behind the Mask of Altruism — Imperialism, Monsanto and the
Gates Foundation in Africa


With great difficulty, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association managed to access the tetanus vaccine used during the WHO immunization campaign in March 2014 and subjected them to testing. The unfortunate truth is that the vaccine was laced with HCG. This proved right our worst fears; that this WHO campaign is not about eradicating neonatal tetanus but a well-coordinated forceful population control mass sterilization exercise using a proven fertility regulating vaccine. This evidence was presented to the Ministry of Health before the third round of immunization but was ignored.


When challenged in South America in the early 1990’s about the tetanus vaccine used in their camping being laced with HCG, WHO brushed off the claims as unfounded and asked for proof. When proof was provided by the Catholic based bodies in those countries, WHO claimed that the other components of the vaccine production process may have caused false positive results. When pushed further, they accepted that a few vaccines may have been contaminated with HCG during the production process. However, HCG is not a component nor is it used in the production of any vaccine let alone tetanus! It was only after antibodies against HCG were demonstrated in the women who were immunized with the laced tetanus vaccine that the matter was sealed. The immunized women have suffered multiple abortions and some have remained sterile. Do we have to wait until this point before action is taken?

Though the Bishops are medically lay people, they have technical advisory teams of competent specialists from every discipline, including medicine. These teams are both local and international as the Catholic Church is global. The Catholic based and run health institutions form the largest private health network in the country and have been rendering medical services to Kenyans for over 100 years! Thus, when the Bishops speak on topical issue like the tetanus vaccination, they are talking from a point of knowledge and authority. It would be foolhardy to disregard their advice.

We have performed our moral and civic duty of speaking the truth and alerting the government and the people of Kenya. It is now up to each individual Kenyan to make an informed choice.

Kindly goggle “Fertility regulating vaccines”and “Are New Vaccines Laced With Birth-Control Drugs?”for further insight."

-Dr Wahome Ngare, Gynaecologist and Obstetrician

For and on behalf of the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association.

Shared by Dr. Robert Walley, Executive Director of MaterCare International

Contact: Dr. Robert Walley will be in Kenya until Nov 11 and is available for interview at ph: (254) 0727373690.



Did UN Use Vaccine For Population Control?: Kenyan Doctors Say UN Didn't Tell Populace Tetanus Vaccine Was 'Laced' With A Powerful Contraceptive — They Charge 'Forced Sterilization'

"With great difficulty, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association managed to access the tetanus vaccine used during the WHO immunization campaign in March 2014 and subjected them to testing. The unfortunate truth is that the vaccine was laced with HCG. This proved right our worst fears; that this WHO campaign is not about eradicating neonatal tetanus but a well-coordinated forceful population control mass sterilization exercise using a proven fertility regulating vaccine."






By MaterCare

"Let me authoritatively clarify the concerns raised by the Catholic Bishops on the just concluded tetanus vaccination by sharing extracts from the official position of the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association as below; feel free to share the article:

Tetanus is an incurable disease that infects the body through broken skin or wounds. The umbilical cord stamp of newborn babies is a possible entry point and makes them especially susceptible. It is best prevented through immunization with the tetanus toxoid (TT) vaccine.

We would like to assure the public that the normal vaccines available in both public and faith based organization in this country are clean. Generally speaking, the faith based medical facilities give the same if not more vaccinations than public institutions.

Our concern and the subject of this discussion is the WHO/UNICEF sponsored tetanus immunization campaign launched last year in October ostensibly to eradicate neonatal tetanus. It is targeted at girls and women between the ages of 14 – 49 (child bearing age) and in 60 specific districts spread all around the country. The tetanus vaccine being used in this campaign has been imported into the country specifically for this purpose and bears a different batch number from the regular TT. So far, 3 doses have been given – the first in October 2013, the second in March 2014 and the third in October 2014. It is highly possible that there are two more doses to go.

Giving five doses of tetanus vaccination every 6 months is not usual or the recommended regime for tetanus vaccination. The only time tetanus vaccine has been given in five doses is when it is used as a carrier in fertility regulating vaccines laced with the pregnancy hormone - Human Chorionic Gonadotropin (HCG) developed by WHO in 1992.

When tetanus is laced with HCG and administered in five doses every 6 months, the woman develops antibodies against both the tetanus and the HCG in 2 – 3 years after the last injection. Once a mother develops antibodies against HCG, she rejects any pregnancy as soon as it starts growing in her womb thus causing repeated abortions and subsequent sterility.

WHO conducted massive vaccinations campaigns using the tetanus vaccine laced with HCG in Mexico in 1993 and Nicaragua and Philippines in 1994 ostensibly to eradicate neonatal tetanus. The campaign targeted women aged 14 – 49 years and each received a total of 5 injections.

What is downright immoral and evil is that the tetanus laced with HCG was given as a fertility regulating vaccine without disclosing its ‘contraceptive effect’ to the girls and the mothers. As far as they were concerned, they had gone for an innocent injection to prevent neonatal tetanus!

Considering the similarity of the WHO tetanus vaccination exercise in South American with the Kenyan camping and with the background knowledge of WHO’s underhand population control initiatives, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association brought the matter to the attention of the Bishops and together sort audience with the Ministry of Health with only one request; that the tetanus vaccine being used in this campaign be tested to ensure it was not laced with HCG before the 2nd round of immunizations in March. The Ministry of Health declined to have the vaccine tested.

With great difficulty, the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association managed to access the tetanus vaccine used during the WHO immunization campaign in March 2014 and subjected them to testing. The unfortunate truth is that the vaccine was laced with HCG. This proved right our worst fears; that this WHO campaign is not about eradicating neonatal tetanus but a well-coordinated forceful population control mass sterilization exercise using a proven fertility regulating vaccine. This evidence was presented to the Ministry of Health before the third round of immunization but was ignored.

When challenged in South America in the early 1990’s about the tetanus vaccine used in their camping being laced with HCG, WHO brushed off the claims as unfounded and asked for proof. When proof was provided by the Catholic based bodies in those countries, WHO claimed that the other components of the vaccine production process may have caused false positive results. When pushed further, they accepted that a few vaccines may have been contaminated with HCG during the production process. However, HCG is not a component nor is it used in the production of any vaccine let alone tetanus! It was only after antibodies against HCG were demonstrated in the women who were immunized with the laced tetanus vaccine that the matter was sealed. The immunized women have suffered multiple abortions and some have remained sterile. Do we have to wait until this point before action is taken?

Though the Bishops are medically lay people, they have technical advisory teams of competent specialists from every discipline, including medicine. These teams are both local and international as the Catholic Church is global. The Catholic based and run health institutions form the largest private health network in the country and have been rendering medical services to Kenyans for over 100 years! Thus, when the Bishops speak on topical issue like the tetanus vaccination, they are talking from a point of knowledge and authority. It would be foolhardy to disregard their advice.

We have performed our moral and civic duty of speaking the truth and alerting the government and the people of Kenya. It is now up to each individual Kenyan to make an informed choice.

Kindly goggle “Fertility regulating vaccines”and “Are New Vaccines Laced With Birth-Control Drugs?”for further insight."

-Dr Wahome Ngare, Gynaecologist and Obstetrician

For and on behalf of the Kenya Catholic Doctors Association.

Shared by Dr. Robert Walley, Executive Director of MaterCare International

Contact: Dr. Robert Walley will be in Kenya until Nov 11 and is available for interview at ph: (254) 0727373690.



Haiti Membership in the UN Needs to be Reconsidered: UN Forces Oppressive Policies on Haiti With Little Haitian Input

The UN is a by-product of a murderous war started by European powers vying for supremacy. It has become the epitome of what it was set up, in theory, to eradicate: the predatory behavior of powerful entities. Haitians should now review their membership.

Haitians demonstrate on Sept. 23, 2011 in Port-au-Prince against the UN mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH.)  They protested against the alleged sexual assault of an 18-year-old man in Port-Salut by Uruguayan  Peacekeepers. Haitians also blame UN Peacekeepers of a cholera outbreak that began in 2010.
Haitians demonstrate on Sept. 23, 2011 in Port-au-Prince against the UN mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH.)
They protested against the alleged sexual assault of an 18-year-old man in Port-Salut by Uruguayan
Peacekeepers. Haitians also blame UN Peacekeepers of a cholera outbreak that began in 2010.

By Max A. Joseph
The UN has extended the presence of its deeply resented occupation force in Haiti for another year. Progressive forces need to organize in a global solidarity campaign to end the occupation and to restore the right of self-determination to the Haitian people.

"In overthrowing me you have cut down in Saint Domingue [Haiti] only the trunk of the tree of liberty; it will spring up again from the roots, for they are many and they are deep." — Toussaint L’Ouverture

The people of Haiti have been living under a military occupation for over ten years by way of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). However, this military imposition has not generated sustained organizing and mobilizing of resources from anti-war, Pan-Afrikanist/nationalist, socialist, trade unions, international solidarity activists, organizations or movements located in the imperialist centres of Europe and North America.

It is critically important for Western-based progressive forces to question themselves on the reason behind their failure to challenge the military occupation as an imperialist assault on the labouring classes, and as an attempt to prevent the emergence of a non-capitalist development agenda in Haiti. Where is the required and expected solidarity from these activist groups or social movements?

The Guinea-Bissau/Cape Verde revolutionary adult educator, theoretician, military strategist, and practitioner Amilcar Cabral calls for a solidarity from the global North that is based on mutual interest and a “common enemy”:

‘If, as would seem from all the evidence, imperialism exists and is trying simultaneously to dominate the working class in all the advanced countries and smother the national liberation movements in all the underdeveloped countries, then there is only one enemy against whom we are fighting. If we are fighting together, then I think the main aspect of our solidarity is extremely simple: it is to fight – I don’t think there is any need to discuss this very much. We are struggling in Guinea with guns in our hands, you must struggle in your countries as well – I don’t say with guns in your hands, I’m not going to tell you how to struggle, that’s your business; but you must find the best means and the best forms of fighting against our common enemy: this is the best form of solidarity.’

On the question of MINUSTAH’s occupation of Haiti, it would be hard for peace and global justice organizations to declare that they are using the “best means and the best forms of fighting” to end the 10-year military intervention scheme by the United States and its allies, and the United Nations. On October 14, 2014, the United Nations Security Council unanimously voted to extend the presence of the occupation force for another year. It was done without significant mobilization and opposition from peace, global justice and international solidarity activists and organizations.

The people across the world who are committed to the self-determination of oppressed peoples should work to ensure that this imperial military mission ends before October 15, 2015. Some members of the public might be puzzled by the triggering event(s) that led to the occupation.

The reformist or populist government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and Fanmi Lavalas were committed to pursuing economic and social policies that opposed the unfettered neoliberal capitalist agenda of Canada, the United States, and France, international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the local Haitian elite.

In spite of the hostility to the developmental agenda of Aristide by local elite and certain Western states, and the channeling of development funds and economic aid through non-governmental organizations (NGOs) instead of the Haitian state, positive developments were made in the areas of education, healthcare, economic justice, infrastructure development, women’s rights, the status of children, and official recognition of the indigenous religion Voudou. The economic and social outcomes of the administrations of Fanmi Lavalas from 1994 to 2004 are captured in the booklet ‘We Will Not Forget: The Achievements of Lavalas in Haiti.’

However, the unholy alliance of Canada, France, and the United States met in Ottawa on January 31, 2003 and February 1, 2003 and resolved to engineer a regime change in Haiti[/url=]. On February 29, 2004, a coup, facilitated by the George Bush regime in Washington and his allies, was effected against the democratically elected government. President Aristide has consistently claimed that he was [url=http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article5794.htm]kidnapped and forced into exile in the Central Afrikan Republic by armed personnel of the government of the United States.

Washington and its allies imposed an occupation force the Multinational Interim Force on Haiti, which was replaced by MINUSTAH in June 2004. MINUSTAH has played an active role in forcefully suppressing the resistance of the pro-Aristide and pro-Fanmi Lavalas majority. The occupation has brought suffering to the labouring classes in Haiti. MINUSTAH serves as a cover for the agenda of economic exploitation and political subjugation of the masses, and the geo-strategic and economic interests of the United States and its partners.

People of good conscience have no other option, but to build campaigns in their cities and towns to force the withdrawal of MINUSTAH from Haiti. MINUSTAH’s documented cases of abuse and wrongdoing against the people of Haiti provide the moral and political justification for an end to this occupation.

International solidarity, peace, and global justice organizations and movements need to undertake practical steps in their communities and countries to force an end to MINUSTAH’s military occupation. Below are some concrete actions that might be used in organizing campaigns against the occupation, and support the self-determination of the working-class and rural communities in Haiti.

ORGANIZE A BROAD-BASED GROUP: If the convenors of the initial organizing meetings are interested in developing a broad-based anti-occupation/MINUSTAH campaign to educate and mobilize opinion in their city or town, the call for action should be directed at a wide range of progressive individuals and organizations that are interested in international solidarity, global justice, anti-war activism, Afrikan affairs, alternative development, and anti-imperialism. By casting their outreach net widely, they will be able to reach into the multiple constituencies that are present in the community.

PREPARE WORKSHOP AND LECTURE PRESENTATIONS AND PUBLIC EDUCATION MATERIALS: In winning extensive support within the local community and across the country for the termination of the United Nations’ occupation of Haiti, the campaign will need to methodically carry out public education and awareness activities. The anti-occupation projects could prepare PowerPoint presentations and workshop curriculums on a range of topics such as (1) “the Haitian Revolution and its Contribution to Freedom in the Americas”; (2) “How France, the United States and the Colonial Powers Underdeveloped Post-revolutionary Haiti”; (3) “The 411 on the Military Occupation of Haiti by MINUSTAH”; (4) “The Nuts and Bolts of Building the Campaign to End the Occupation of Haiti”; (5) “Why the West Fears the Haitian People’s Struggle for Self-determination”; (6) “Practical People-to-People Solidarity Actions with Haiti’s Grassroots”; (7) “Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Fanmi Lavalas and Social Reform in Haiti”; (8) and “The Strategic Value of Haiti to the United States and its Allies.”

The development of prepared presentations would make it easier to communicate a consistent message to the public. It would also make it easier to train a large pool of organizers to become workshop facilitators and public speakers on the subject of the military occupation and other relevant topics on Haiti. The campaign will need to develop public educational materials in the form of fact sheets, brochures, pamphlets, and videos.

DIVERSE POOL OF FACILITATORS OR ANIMATORS: The task of going out into the community and across the country to educate the people about MINUSTAH and the neoliberal capitalist agenda needs a lot people. Therefore, this international solidarity project should train and develop a diverse pool of facilitators or animators, and public speakers to educate, mobilize, and organize the people against the occupation and its conservative agenda. The people who do this educational work ought to reflect the demographic characteristics in the broader society. In communities where Haitians are present, the campaign should strive to have this section of the community as active participants in all levels of the campaign.

TARGET MEMBERSHIP-BASED ORGANIZATIONS: In order to build mass support within the community and across the country, give strong attention to speaking before membership-based groups such as trade unions, professional associations, faculty associations and unions, community-based organizations, religious groups, student unions, students in high schools, colleges and universities. The aim of this tactic is to inspire members to include the campaign to end the occupation as a part of the organization’s ongoing organizational activities. Many member-based organizations, especially those paying dues, have human and other resources to execute international solidarity or global justice work. These membership based organizations are potential financial and in-kind donors to the campaign.

ENGENDER ANTI-OCCUPATION STUDENT CLUBS: The campaign should seek to work with global justice or international solidarity student organizers to form “End the Occupation of Haiti” student clubs on high school, college, and university campuses. Students were important allies in the fight against settler-colonialism/apartheid in Azania/South Afrika as they are now in the boycott, divestment and sanctions ([url=http://www.haaretz.com/jewish-world/jewish-world-news/.premium-1.610949]BDS[/url=]) movement against Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Students have the time, access to financial resources, and skills and knowledge that can be used to create public awareness and opposition to the occupation of Haiti.

KEY THRUST OF THE MESSAGE: It should be emphasized in the campaign’s messaging that the forces that are opposed to the public provision of education, health care, and social services, government ownership of public utilities and other commercial enterprises, and a livable minimum wage in Haiti have a similar agenda in global North countries. The agents of the neoliberal capitalist project in Canada, the United States, and Europe lobby for reduced government spending on post-secondary education, tighter eligibility rules for unemployment benefits, private sector provision of childcare, lower taxes on profits, wealth, and higher income, and the general retreat of government from providing adequate social welfare programmes.

Drive home the message to the public that neoliberal capitalism in Haiti and the global North is contributing to social and economic hardship to the people who sell their labour to the captains of industry and commerce in exchange for wages, or are dependent on income security programmes. The labouring classes in Haiti and the global North are fighting “one enemy” as Cabral would have it. In the words of Brian Latour, “given the rise of neoliberal globalization at the hands of the forces of international capital – global capitalism requires a global response, and international solidarity is necessary for global resistance.”

USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA OUTLETS: Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube have emerged as significant communication instruments for the sharing of information with the public. The campaign should use social media to inform and educate, but most importantly the overarching goal ought to be focused on inspiring people to join the campaign or participate in or support its public activities or actions.

CONSTANTLY WRITE ABOUT HAITI: The campaign ought to undertake measures to produce a steady stream of articles on Haiti that highlights the negative impact of the occupation, and the ways in which the current neoliberal capitalist social and economic policies are affecting the lives of Haitians. The campaign should make an effort to develop an in-house stable of writers as well as pitch story ideas to sympathetic writers who cover global justice, human writers, and international solidarity issues.

HOST FILM SERIES: Many people love to learn or acquire information visually by way of films or videos. The hosting of periodic film series on Haiti over a weekend or four consecutive Fridays or Saturdays would be a way to build awareness of the occupation, the Haitian Revolution, women’s labour and the sweatshops, the 1991 and 2004 coups against Aristide and Fanmi Lavalas, and the struggle of Haitians for self-determination. The screening of a film could be coupled with a panel discussion or a guest speaker so as to direct participants’ attention to what must be done to fight the occupation and the neoliberal capitalist agenda. A film series may be used to recruit new participants into the campaign, as well as raise funds to execute its activities.

BUILD AWARENESS OF UN’S CHOLERA DEATHS: The campaign ought to highlight one of the most prominent cases of the negative impact of the occupation on the lives of Haitians. The United Nations has steadfastly refused to accept legal liability for the cholera tragedy. In October 2010, MINUSTAH’s soldiers dumped untreated sewage into the Artibonite River, and it led to the introduction of cholera in Haiti. To date, there are over 9,000 deaths and over 750,000 cases of infection. This MINUSTAH disaster may be used to rally support for the class action lawsuit levied against the UN by the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti. The refusal of the UN to accept responsibility for the cholera outbreak could serve as an indictment of the occupation.

TARGET AND RECRUIT OPINION LEADERS: The campaign should strive to win the support of individuals and organizations that have the capacity to influence public opinion to endorse the call for the withdrawal of the occupation force. This course of action by opinion makers and thought leaders might lead to people gaining awareness of MINUSTAH, embracing an anti-occupation outlook, or inspiring active involvement in the campaign. The value of opinion makers to a cause may be gleaned from the response to critiques by public notables and celebrities of Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Nobel laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu’s public characterization of the oppression of Palestinians as being similar to that imposed on Afrikans under apartheid in South Afrika might have positively influenced or changed minds on the Palestinians’ struggle for self-determination.

DEVELOP MEDIA WATCH CAPACITY: In order to maintain a vigilance on how the occupation and news out of Haiti are being framed in the mainstream media, a “Haiti Media Watch” function ought to be developed within the campaign. The committee would develop the ability to swiftly and accurately respond to stories in newspapers, on television and radio, as well as on social media outlets. It is critically important to link news coming out of Haiti to the United States and its allies’ desire to impose the neoliberal capitalist agenda on Haitians, and the demand for the withdrawal of MINUSTAH.

ORGANIZE SPEAKING TOURS: It is necessary to organize speaking tours on the occupation and the neoliberal capitalist agenda in Haiti. The facilitators and speakers involved in the campaign would be the main people called upon to speak to organizations or do workshops. The campaign may also put together speaking tours with speakers directly from Haiti to educate and raise the awareness of the situation inside the country. Religious groups, faculty associations or unions, student organizations, and trade unions are ideal candidates to cosponsor speaking tours with international speakers from Haiti or Haitian activists who are in exile.

MOBILIZE THROUGH PROTEST ACTIONS: The anti-occupation organizing group may use important anniversaries connected to the coups of 1991 and 2004, significant moments in Haitian history, and dates that are relevant to the occupation to organize marches, demonstrations, rallies, and teach-ins. Public protest actions are ways to demonstrate the level of community or public support for the withdrawal of MINUSTAH’s occupation force.

PICKET OFFICIALS FROM MINUSTAH CONTRIBUTING STATES: Officials from states that contribute military or police personnel to MINUSTAH should be picketed when they visit countries with anti-occupation campaigns. It is fundamentally necessary for these states to know that people of good conscience are demanding the withdrawal of their contingent of troops or police. It is also a way to inform or remind the public that a military occupation is in effect against a people who would love to freely and democratically elect the party of their choice.

PHONE-IN AND FAX-IN PROTEST: Coordinated protest action in the form of phone-in or fax-in may be used against consulates and embassies of states that are participating in the occupation. This type of protest is aimed at reinforcing the call for an end to the occupation, and disrupting the operation of the consulates and embassies. It could be done in tandem with informational leafleting or picketing at the respective locations of these official bodies of states that enable MINUSTAH’s occupation.

FORCE HAITI ONTO THE LEGISLATIVE RADAR: Since the contributing MINUSTAH states would need to make a political decision about withdrawing from the occupation, it is essential to generate massive public pressure on the political directorate to do so. The public should be mobilized to write letters and make calls to the members of the national legislature, especially those representing their respective electoral districts, ridings or constituencies. It is better to encourage people to send personally scripted messages as opposed to signing and sending a form letter. The former will get a greater of degree of attention and response from the legislators. It would be helpful to provide talking points or fact sheets from which letter writers or people making phone calls may craft their personal messages demanding the termination of the occupation of Haiti.

PARTICIPATE IN INTERNATIONAL DELEGATIONS: The organizing of fact-finding international delegations to Haiti is a way to encourage active participation of some visiting organizations or delegates to the anti-occupation campaign at home. International delegations also demonstrate to Haitian grassroots organizations that there is support for their struggle for self-determination. Returning delegates may be empowered and motivated to hit the speaking circuit by way of speaking tours and media interviews. The returning delegates ought to be encouraged to write articles that highlight their observations, insights, learnings, and experiences of the occupation, and the state of political, social and economic events inside the country.

MATERIAL AND MORAL SUPPORT TO HAITIAN ORGANIZATIONS: The anti-occupation campaign should encourage the development of people-to-people relations between organizations and movements in Haiti and their counterparts in Canada, the United States and other countries. While the principal or primary solidarity expected from organizations in the global North is domestically fighting imperialism’s ability to impose its will on Haiti and other countries, “secondary forms of solidarity” as articulated by Cabral, are needed.

The provision of material support to organizations representing women, youth, workers, farmers, and other groups from the popular sectors would expand their capacity and capability to fight for an alternative development agenda. When MINUSTAH is forced out of Haiti, the organizations of the people will still be faced with the task of charting a development path that will likely be opposed by the United States and its allies.

CREATE SOCIAL EXPRESSION PRODUCTS TO RAISE MONEY: Financial resources are needed to carry out the campaign’s public education work. Therefore, money may be raised through the development of social expression products such a T-shirts, mugs, buttons, refrigerator magnets, and stickers that would be sold to the public. Membership-based organizations could become a main outlet for moving these products. These goods would promote the message of the campaign, and they are ideal items because of their functional nature.

MAKE LINKS WITH OTHER ANTI-OCCUPATION CAMPAIGNS: The struggle to rid Haiti of MINUSTAH should strive to become a worldwide movement. After all, the troops and police personnel are represented by states from across the world (for example, Russia, China, Spain, Jamaica, Nigeria, France, Pakistan, Cameroon, Brazil, Chile, Turkey, Egypt, Canada, and the United States). In developing ties among the global forces fighting the occupation, the campaigns would benefit from sharing information, strategy, tactics and other resources, and the coordination of their actions. In the Americas, the Haití NO Minustah is encouraging a region-wide opposition to the occupation of Haiti, and many groups across Central America, South America, and the Caribbean have signed on to the campaign.

It is not the mere words or beliefs that define an activist’s commitment to international solidarity or global justice. The anti-imperialist sentiments of a person of good conscience ought to be measured by her or his actions against oppressive condition such as MINUSTAH’s occupation of Haiti, which is preparing the fertile soil for an entrenched neoliberal capitalist development path. Hopefully, the proposed actions above might inspire you to become a participant in a campaign to bring MINUSTAH’s occupation to an end, or contribute to the work of anti-occupation organizations.

* Ajamu Nangwaya, Ph.D., is an educator. He is an organizer with the Campaign to End the Occupation of Haiti.

Reprinted with permission from Pambazuka News.


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