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Showing posts with label prisoner of war. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prisoner of war. Show all posts

Is Barack Obama Trying To Deflect Anger Over Freeing Guantanamo Detainees By Throwing a Former Prisoner of War to the Wolves?

Bowe Bergdahl charged with desertion; defense decries 'lynch mob atmosphere'

Bowe Bergdahl
Bowe Bergdahl. (Screen capture from YouTube video)
By David S. Cloud and James Queally
Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl, who was captured by Taliban forces in Afghanistan in 2009 and returned to the United States in a controversial prisoner swap last year, has been charged with desertion and “misbehavior before the enemy,” the Army said Wednesday.

Bergdahl's defense lawyer responded with a statement asking Americans to "continue to withhold judgment until the facts of this case emerge."

Because of the political controversy generated by the prisoner swap, Bergdahl's case has been surrounded by a "lynch mob atmosphere" in which he has been "vilified," defense attorney Eugene R. Fidell said in a letter to the military official handling the case.

The intense response to the case raises questions about whether Bergdahl can receive a fair trial, Fidell said. He noted that the military has been so concerned about Bergdahl's safety that he is required to have two escorts whenever he leaves the base in Texas where he has been living "to prevent third parties from injuring him."

Bergdahl vanished on June 30, 2009, when he allegedly walked away from his unit after he expressed misgivings about the military's role in Afghanistan. He was captured by the Taliban and held by members of the Haqqani network, which operates in Pakistan and Afghanistan, for nearly five years.
Bergdahl, 28, will face a hearing in the case next month to determine if enough evidence exists to warrant a court martial. The hearing, expected to be at a military base in San Antonio, Texas, could lead to a trial or to the dismissal of the charges, the Army statement said.

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Beyond Censorship: The Unspeakable Brutality of ISIS — Jordanian Pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh is Burned Alive


Screen captures from the ISIS video of the burning alive of Jordanian pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh: The video was
originally filmed in high-definition and contains all kinds of high-end graphics and special effects.  The ISIS thugs
would not have spent so much time and energy on this production unless they had no intention whatsoever of trading
Moaz al-Kasasbehc for Al-Qaeda prisoners on death row in Jordan. In the video, ISIS attempts to justify its murder
of the pilot by describing and depicting what it calls the brutality of the West and its allies. The video is mostly in
Arabic.

The Censorship Syndrome
Corporate media pundits in the West tell us they won't show the ISIS video of the burning alive of Jordanian pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh because "doing so helps ISIS."  This is complete nonsense.  How do we know? — Because ISIS has had no problem getting its message out and recruiting despite systematic censorship by Western media. Therefore, the only people being kept in the dark is the mainstream audience in the West. In fact, Western governments and their corporate media censors virtually everything regarding Western military and political operations across the globe. For example: they've shown us none of the footage from the hundreds of drone attacks the U.S. has launched in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Somalia and Yemen. The public has never seen the video of the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan or video of the killing of Anwar al-Awlaki (and his son) in Yemen.  In addition, Western governments, with the help of Arab allies, have launched hundreds of air attacks against ISIS during the past several months totaling thousands of hours of operations. Yet to date they have posted, at most, seven minutes of total footage from these attacks.

Since the Vietnam War the U.S. has been able to "manage" the media and systematically censor what actually happens in war.  Many believe that the uncensored images from the Vietnam War helped bring an end to that war by presenting the public with the truth about that war and how it was waged. The reluctance of the American public to support war after the Vietnam debacle was called the "Vietnam syndrome." Some military strategist have blamed the U.S. defeat in Vietnam on an uncensored media and their solution was to institute strict limits on the media starting with the invasion of Grenada (1983). The censorship strategy was further developed with the invasion of Panama (1989). By the time of the first Gulf War (1990) the censorship strategy was in full bloom, and by the second Gulf War (2003) the U.S. media was thoroughly controlled and "embedded" with U.S. troops and back to it's World War II role as full-time "cheerleaders." 

There has been over a decade of full scale war in Afghanistan without nightly newscasts about battles, attacks, bombings, or enemy and civilian casualties. The U.S. censorship strategy has worked so well that the U.S. has been able to engage in multiple invasions and air attacks all over the world with little opposition from a mostly unaware—and therefore unconcerned—American public. Censorship has allowed the U.S. military industrial complex to run wild. In the name of ending such censorship, this ISIS video is provided. 
 —Ronald David Jackson



WARNING:
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Iraq: ISIS Executed Hundreds of Prison Inmates: About 600 Shias Killed in Desert During Mosul Capture (Video)

A wounded survivor of the mass killing of Badoush Prison inmates by ISIS on June 10,  2014. (© Human Rights Watch 2014)
A wounded survivor of the mass killing of Badoush Prison inmates by ISIS on June 10,
2014. (© Human Rights Watch 2014)
By HRW
Gunmen from the Sunni extremist group Islamic State systematically executed some 600 male inmates from a prison outside the northern Iraqi city of Mosul on June 10, 2014, according to survivors’ accounts. The vast majority of those killed were Shia.

After seizing Badoush Prison near Mosul, the gunmen from Islamic State, also known as ISIS, separated the Sunni from the Shia inmates, then forced the Shia men to kneel along the edge of a nearby ravine and shot them with assault rifles and automatic weapons, 15 Shia prisoners who survived the massacre told Human Rights Watch. The gunmen also killed a number of Kurdish and Yezidi inmates of Badoush Prison, the survivors said.

“The gruesome details of ISIS’ mass murder of prison inmates make it impossible to deny the depravity of this extremist group,” said Letta Tayler, senior terrorism and counterterrorism researcher. “People of every ethnicity and creed should condemn these horrific tactics, and press Iraqi and international authorities to bring those responsible to justice.”

The mass summary executions amount to war crimes and most likely crimes against humanity, Human Rights Watch said.

"M.A.," a survivor of the ISIS mass killing of some 600 inmates from Badoush Prison  near Mosul, Iraq, on June 10, 2014. © 2014 Human Rights Watch
"M.A.," a survivor of the ISIS mass killing of some 600 inmates from Badoush Prison
near Mosul, Iraq, on June 10, 2014. © 2014 Human Rights Watch
ISIS fighters broke into Badoush the day they captured Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, which is 10 kilometers southeast of the prison. The gunmen herded up to 1,500 inmates onto trucks and drove them to an isolated stretch of desert about 2 kilometers from the prison, survivors said. The prisoners had been serving sentences for a range of crimes, from murder and assaults to nonviolent offenses.

The fighters separated out several hundred Sunni and a small number of Christian men and drove them away in trucks, the witnesses said. They then robbed and insulted the Shia and other remaining prisoners, marched them to a ravine, and forced them to form one long line along its edge. There, they made the inmates count their number in the line before opening fire. A survivor, A.S., described the death count:
They started by saying, “Each person raise his hand and say his number.” I was number 43. I heard them say “615,” and then one ISIS guy said, “We’re going to eat well tonight.” A man behind us asked, “Are you ready?” Another person answered “Yes,” and began shooting at us with a machine-gun. Then they all started to shoot us from behind, going down the row.
Human Rights Watch is withholding the prisoners’ full names to protect them from possible retaliation.



Nine survivors Human Rights Watch interviewed said that they heard their fellow inmates at the end of the line call out numbers from the low 500s to 750. Five of them heard numbers between 615 and 680, while other survivors said the count went into the “hundreds.”

Most people were shot in the head, the back and the side, said survivor H.K.:
A bullet hit my head and I fell to the ground, and that’s when I felt another bullet hit my arm. I was unconscious for about 5 minutes. One person was shot in the head, in the forehead, it [the bullet] went out the other side, and he fell on top of me.
Before they started shooting, I managed to kiss the men on each side of me, because we knew we were going to die. After we said goodbye to each other, I took my daughter’s picture and kissed it, and I prayed to God to save me for her, because I have no one else [to take care of her].

The gunmen returned for a second round of shooting when they saw one prisoner stand up, and only stopped when they ran out of ammunition, the survivors said.

“They were shouting, ‘This is how we serve justice!’ and, ‘This one’s alive, shoot him again!” witness F.S. said. “I got shot. Then I heard someone say, ‘Let’s leave, we’re out of bullets.’”

Most of those shot fell into the ravine, the survivors said. The gunmen then set fire to brush in and around the ravine, and flames spread to the corpses.

The witnesses estimated that 30 to 40 prisoners survived, most by rolling into the ravine and pretending to be dead, or because they were shielded by the bodies of other prisoners who fell on top of them. Survivors said several men wounded by the shooting later died while trying to crawl or stagger away.

ISIS fighters drove the prisoners claiming to be Sunnis and Christians for about four hours to another desert location, one Sunni man who was among that group told Human Rights Watch. He was unable to identify the location but said some in the group believed it was in Iraq’s Anbar province while others thought it might have been in Syria. The witness said that on the first evening ISIS fighters removed between 50 and 100 men from this group on grounds that they were Shia posing as Sunni. He said they did not return. Three days later ISIS fighters drove the others back to Mosul and set them free, he said.

Human Rights Watch interviewed the 15 Shia survivors and four other former Badoush Prison inmates in semi-autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, where they had surrendered or been picked up by local authorities after fleeing ISIS-controlled areas. The interviews took place in two prisons where the Iraqi Kurdish authorities were holding the men. Nearly all the Shia prisoners showed scars from bullet wounds or burns that they said they had sustained during the massacre.

The injured survivors had received medical care. All Arab survivors said they wanted to be moved to prisons outside of Iraqi Kurdistan because their relatives could not visit them in Kurdish-controlled areas. On October 23, the Kurdish Regional Government said the inmates had been transferred to other prisons that are run by the central Iraqi government still located in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Twelve of the inmates told Human Rights Watch that officials and guards at Badoush Prison had abandoned their posts the night before ISIS broke into the prison.

Neither Human Rights Watch nor Iraqi government officials have been able to access Badoush Prison or the alleged killing site because the area remains under ISIS control.

ISIS has systematically killed, abducted, and expelled Shia Muslims and religious and ethnic minorities during its military sweep through Iraq, and has forcibly married Yezidi women and girls to ISIS gunmen.

The day after the June 10 massacre, ISIS gunmen carried out a similar mass killing of Shia soldiers in the city of Tikrit, 225 kilometers south of Badoush. The group claimed to have executed 1,700 Shia troops in that killing and posted videos on the internet showing their gunmen shooting at hundreds of captive men.

A Human Rights Watch investigation that included analysis of satellite imagery found strong evidence that between 560 to 770 captives, all or most of them apparently Iraqi soldiers, died in that massacre, and did not rule out that many more had been killed.

Human Rights Watch also documented the apparent unlawful executions of at least 255 Sunni prisoners in six Iraqi cities and villages in June by Iraqi government forces, most of whom are Shia, and by Shia pro-government militia.

The United Nations Human Rights Council in September ordered a UN investigation into crimes committed by ISIS. That investigation should include the massacre near Badoush Prison to identify those responsible and ensure they are held to account, Human Rights Watch said. The UN investigation also should document major crimes by Iraqi government forces and Shia pro-government militias including indiscriminate airstrikes, mass executions  of Sunni prisoners, and summary executions of Sunnis throughout the country.

The UN investigation also should examine whether the Iraqi authorities could have done more to protect the Badoush prisoners and Mosul residents from ISIS, Human Rights Watch said.

“While no amount of government negligence excuses the atrocities of ISIS, the authorities need to do all they reasonably can to protect Shia and others from being massacred,” Tayler said. “In addition, the Iraqi authorities should as soon as possible transfer the survivors of this slaughter to prisons in areas of Iraq where they can have regular family visits.”

Witness Accounts
Human Rights Watch conducted separate, individual interviews with 11 of the Shia survivors, the Sunni inmate who ISIS released, and three Badoush inmates – one Yezidi and two Sunni – who escaped capture the morning of June 10. All provided detailed and consistent accounts. Human Rights Watch interviewed four other Shia survivors together who also said ISIS segregated Sunni and Shia prisoners and killed the Shia.

The Shia and Sunni survivors said most of their family members could not visit them in Iraqi Kurdistan because of the risk of passing through conflict zones to reach them, and the Kurdistan Regional Government’s restrictions on the entry of Arabs into Iraqi Kurdistan since ISIS seized large swaths of Iraq.

The witnesses’ descriptions of the mass shooting were consistent with the findings of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq, which concluded that ISIS had killed up to 670 Shia inmates of Badoush near the prison on June 10.

Guards Flee, ISIS Enters
The day before the attack, guards at Badoush Prison gave inmates almost no food, then fled in the middle of the night, said the survivors and the three other men who had been imprisoned in Badoush at that time.

At the time of the attack, the prison was holding more than 3,000 prisoners in two large cell blocks, one for major crimes and the other for lesser crimes, according to the witnesses, as well as prison and intelligence authorities in Iraqi Kurdistan who spoke with Human Rights Watch. The prison had a separate section for Yezidis, Christians, and other religious and ethnic minorities.

On June 9, most prisoners received only one piece of bread and no bottled water, the inmates said. One prisoner, H.O., said a guard told him the prison ran out of food because fighting had blocked the arrival of supply trucks from Mosul. As the sound of fighting grew louder that night, some witnesses said, the guards triple-locked the prisoners’ cell doors. H.O. described the inmates’ panic:
We couldn’t even go to the toilet. Those of us who needed medicine, we started shouting and screaming because we were not getting our pills. There were about 50 of us in our cell, screaming. We were also shouting for water. We had only dirty tap water to drink. No one responded.
“We stopped seeing the guards after midnight – they ran,” said another prisoner, A.J. He slid one hand against the other in a gesture of flight.

Before dawn, guards came to the Yezidis’ cell, containing 90 inmates, and said they were leaving, said the Yezidi prisoner, R.K.
The guards had changed into civilian clothes. They told us, “Mosul has fallen to ISIS. Escape if you can.” But the cell door was locked. It was chaos inside. We thought if ISIS enters they would behead us all, because in that section we were Christians, Kurds, Yezidis.
The former prisoners said they heard intense shelling overnight. Between about 6 and 8 a.m., they said, ISIS fighters broke into the prison and, assisted by ISIS members who were inmates, broke open the cell doors. Many prisoners who fled immediately, including R.K., managed to escape. But those who left around 10 a.m. found the prison surrounded by scores of ISIS gunmen, both on foot and in dozens of Iraqi police cars, Humvees and other military vehicles, which they assumed the fighters had captured from Iraqi government soldiers and police.

Human Rights Watch interviewed dozens of Mosul residents and law enforcement officials between June and September who said that Iraq’s security forces had fled Mosul before ISIS entered the city.

ISIS Rounds Up Inmates
ISIS gunmen immediately began rounding up prison inmates who tried to leave and cordoned them inside the prison courtyard, 14 witnesses told Human Rights Watch. The gunmen also retrieved prisoners who were trying to flee on Route 1, the main road from the prison, the witnesses said.

“Anyone who tried to stop a car, ISIS would shoot at their feet,” witness S.S. said. “If anyone had already gotten into a car, they stopped the driver and made the prisoner get out.”

The ISIS forces were wearing clothes that ranged from track suits and dishdashas to all black or camouflage uniforms, the survivors said. Most of the gunmen were Arabs from Iraq, but some spoke Arabic with foreign accents, they said.

The fighters gathered as many as 1,500 inmates in the prison courtyard, the witnesses estimated. Two survivors said they saw the fighters summarily shoot and kill three or four prisoners in the courtyard who identified themselves as Shia.

The fighters also searched unsuccessfully for three prisoners, whose names they called out on a loudspeaker, three witnesses said. The gunmen then commandeered several trucks passing by on Route 1, witnesses said, including 18-wheel container trucks.

Some witnesses said they saw five or six trucks; others said they saw as many as nine. In late morning, they said – three prisoners interviewed separately estimated the time as around 11 a.m. – the fighters loaded the prisoners onto the backs of the trucks. “They said, ‘We will take you home.’ Then they forced us onto the trucks,” witness F.S. told Human Rights Watch.

The fighters drove the prisoners along Route 1 to the Sham Gate, about 4 kilometers southeast of Badoush Prison, the survivors said. “They were showing us to the people passing by, pretending they had freed us from the Iraqi government,” said survivor N.H. “The people were praising them for saving us.”

But then the trucks turned back toward the prison, the survivors said, and after about a kilometer turned left into the desert on a road that was just tracks through the sand.

Two other inmates who had managed to escape when ISIS first took control of Badoush Prison told Human Rights Watch that ISIS gunmen had rounded them up with others on the roadside or in nearby Badoush village, and loaded them into trucks that also turned off Route 1 and into the desert.

After a short drive of what some survivors estimated as 800 meters to a kilometer from Route 1, the trucks stopped and gunmen ordered all the prisoners to gather by the side of the dirt track.

The prisoners were not certain of the exact route and distances to the killing site, and some gave slightly different accounts of how they got there. All said they were not from the area and were in shock during the drive. One Iraqi human rights investigator said other Badoush inmates who escaped on June 10 told him that ISIS also killed Shia prisoners in two other nearby locations that day.

Sunnis Separated from Shia
Once in the desert, a group of 20 to 40 gunmen then separated the Sunni Arabs from the prisoners of other sects or ethnicities, according to 12 Shia survivors and one Sunni witness.

A bearded man in a dishdasha appeared to be in command, several witnesses said. Six said they believed the man was Afghan because of his accent and the cut of his robe. They said the gunmen called the man Hajji, a title of respect. Witness M.R. described the “Afghan man’s” orders:
He was sitting in a police car and calling out to us on a loudspeaker. He said, “the Sunnis must stand on one side. The Shia, Kurds and Yezidis must stand on the other. If I find out that a Shia is among the Sunnis, I’m going to cut off his head with a sheet of metal.”
During quick interrogations by the gunmen about their beliefs, names, hometowns and other details, about half of the men identified themselves as Sunni. The gunmen loaded these men onto four or five trucks and drove them away, the witnesses said. Three witnesses said those driven away included up to 100 Shia prisoners posing as Sunnis.

H.K. said the fighters placed about 15 to 20 Kurds and Yezidis with the group of Shia men, including two Yezidi boys who had been held in the juvenile section of Badoush Prison. Another prisoner said a Christian man was also among those segregated from the Sunnis.

About half the fighters stayed and guarded the several hundred prisoners who remained, the survivors said. “Brothers, don’t worry. You’ll have a reunion with your family,” witness S.S. remembered one of the captors saying. The gunmen told the prisoners that they were in discussions with the Iraqi authorities about exchanging them for Sunni prisoners held by government forces, three survivors told Human Rights Watch.

Insulted and Robbed
ISIS fighters insulted the remaining prisoners, using religious slurs and accusing the Shia of subservience to then-Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, the survivors said. Then the fighters robbed them.

“They took everything from us – money, watches, rings, identity cards,” A.J. said. “The moment they made us give up all of our possessions, I knew they were going to kill us.”

By this time, the prisoners said, they felt faint, having received no food or water for almost 24 hours. The fighters had told the prisoners they were taking them to get food and water when they turned into the desert, witness S.S. said, but on arrival told them: “You’ll have water in paradise.”

At about noon, the survivors said, the gunmen ordered the Shia and other remaining captives to walk in pairs for several meters from the side of the desert track to a half-moon-shaped ravine about 2 to 4 meters deep. The gunmen made the prisoners kneel in a single line along the ravine’s curved rim.

ISIS shot dead the first inmate after he fell, said A.S., who had been next to the man:
He was so tired and weak from hunger and thirst that he started to slide down into the ravine. They ordered him to come back but he waved with his hands, refusing. One of the ISIS men said, “Kill him.” So the other ISIS members shot him in the side and then in the neck.
The gunmen, at least two of whom wore masks, made each prisoner in turn call out his number in the line, from one end to the other. Five survivors said they heard the prisoners or the gunmen call out numbers between 615 and 680. Three others said they heard the count go up to the low 500s, and one man said he heard the number 750.

Many of the gunmen were young and “some were nervous,” said survivor N.H., who said he was number 106. Others seemed pleased, he said, including one who joked at the end of the count, “It’s a nice-size herd.”

Several survivors said they saw a man filming the events with a video camera. No video of this massacre has been posted online.

“Let’s Kill Them All Together”
Three witnesses told Human Rights Watch that the gunmen appeared to be receiving orders on two-way radios and were at times uncertain about how to proceed. “First, they said they would kill us two by two,” survivor N.H. said. “Then they said, ten by ten, and then they said, ‘kill them all together.’”

Survivor S.S. said he heard the gunmen discussing whether to behead the prisoners:
One put his knife to an inmate’s neck, planning to cut his throat, but the other guy said, “There are too many and we’re not enough, so let’s kill them with bullets.” So he went to the first one and he fired several shots into his back. Then they opened fire on all of us.
N.H. said that when the gunmen started shooting, “I thought, ‘Am I already dead?’ Images of my family flooded my mind. I started reciting the shahada [the Islamic creed that begins, ‘There is no God but God…’].” Meanwhile, the survivors said, some of the gunmen were also chanting the shahada, and shouting, God is great!

“It was as if we were all the same,” N.H. said, alluding to the simultaneous prayers of both captives and captors. “But they were killing us.”

A group of about 17 prisoners who were close to the end of the line managed to flee when the shooting began, one of them, A.J., told Human Rights Watch:
They started shooting at us. Some of my friends were killed or shot. A bullet grazed my head. ISIS was surrounding us, but some were in front of us and they were afraid their bullets would shoot their own people, so they had to drop behind us. When we saw that we kept running. I fell many times.
A.J. said he lay flat on the ground as ISIS members in cars scoured the desert for survivors. “I heard two gunshots. After ISIS left I saw two of my friends’ dead bodies. I kept running until I reached a street. I saw a car and flagged it.”

As the gunmen sprayed the line of kneeling men with bullets, the dead and wounded tumbled into the ravine, the witnesses said. Most of the witnesses said they survived by rolling into the ravine along with the dead.

But after shooting at everyone in the line, the gunmen descended into the ravine as well, survivors said. Survivor A.O. said the men shot him and a friend from prison who lay next to him:
My face was down in the sand. I heard the footsteps of the ISIS guy, he was standing over me and he shot the man lying next to me in the head. He shot me too but the bullet hit my right forearm. I heard death gasps. I felt something coming under me. It was warm. It was the blood of my friend Haider. I took some of that blood and put it on my face and head so that if they came back they would think I am dead.
Survivor A.S. told Human Rights Watch that he used a small knife he had managed to conceal from the fighters to cut his own head and neck so that the blood would make it appear that he had been shot. After the gunmen left, he said, he raised his head:
I saw one body without a leg, another with his head blown apart. One man went up a nearby hill to see where ISIS was. One of their [ISIS’s] cars saw that guy so they turned around and came back. We fell back to the ground. They started to shoot at us again. Then one of the men from ISIS told the others, “Let’s leave. We’re out of ammunition.”
Burning the Massacre Site
After the killings the gunmen set fire to brush on the ground and piles of brush, the survivors told Human Rights Watch. The flames spread quickly and began engulfing several of the freshly killed men, they said.

Survivor M.A. said he saw 12 ISIS gunmen, 10 with machine-guns and 2 with AK-47 assault rifles, making the final rounds:
The ravine was in an agricultural area that had been recently harvested. The remains of the harvest was food for cattle, and it burns just like gasoline. They shot at the ground and it lit the area in front of us. The fire spread quickly. They even set fire to the harvest on the hill. We were surrounded and isolated.
M.A. said the gunmen shot and burned him when they set the fire:
They used a piece of wood to light the fire. They used it as a torch to burn the dead bodies and to see who was dead and who was alive. When they approached me, one of the Da'ish [ISIS] terrorists told someone that I was still breathing, so after I got shot in my arm, they shot two more bullets into my leg…. When it was my turn, they set my right leg on fire. But I had to withstand the pain so they wouldn’t know that I was still breathing. When they saw that I didn’t move, they told each other that I was dead. Then they burned the person next to me.
M.A. showed Human Rights Watch bullet wounds in his thigh and arm and a burn scar on his ankle that he said were from the attack. He and the authorities at the prison in Iraqi Kurdistan where Human Rights Watch interviewed him said he had undergone five rounds of surgery for the wounds.

Only 30 to 40 Survivors
Only about 30 to 40 prisoners survived the shooting, the witnesses said. They included three Yezidis and one Christian, according to survivor S.E.

The survivors described seeing prisoners die hours later from their wounds because they were too weak to escape. “The sun was so hot,” said M.A. “Those who didn’t die from the shooting or the fire, they died from thirst.”

The survivors gave harrowing accounts of their escapes, with some saying ISIS gunmen chased them in cars through the desert. F.S. said the prisoners drank urine to stay alive:
I took a few steps and fell to the ground because I was losing too much blood. I was with a group of 11 survivors. One was not shot and he helped me walk. We sat under a bridge. The man who helped me, he put his urine in a bottle. We all drank the urine. Otherwise we would have died of thirst.
Some survivors said local Sunnis risked their own lives to help them flee. Eventually, all of the survivors surrendered to or were captured by Kurdish security forces.

Sunnis Driven to Second Desert Spot
One group of fighters drove the several hundred Badoush prisoners who claimed to be Sunni, as well as a small number of Christians, to a second desert location, one Sunni who was among them told Human Rights Watch. The new location was about a four-hour drive from Badoush, he said. “We were trembling and afraid,” said the witness, who asked not to be identified. Four prisoners, including an elderly man, died from thirst and the heat during the drive, he said.

The witness said ISIS forces kept the men in a cluster of mud houses. Aided by Sunni prisoners, he said, the ISIS captors separated out those they believed to be Shia posing as Sunnis and took them away at sunset. He said he and the other captives did not see the Shia men again and feared the ISIS fighters had killed them.

The witness said he did not know the location of the mud houses, as some in the group thought ISIS had taken them to Iraq’s Anbar province, west of Baghdad, and others thought they might have been in Syria. After three days, the fighters again loaded the Sunnis and Christians onto trucks and drove them for three hours back to Mosul, where they released them, he said.

Two other prisoners told Human Rights Watch they had heard similar accounts from two other Sunni inmates from Badoush Prison who were detained with them in Iraqi Kurdistan after ISIS released them. Those two Sunni prisoners declined interview requests.



Reprinted with permission from Human Rights Watch.

Secret Prisons, Disappearances and Torture — America After 9/11: European Court Passes Excoriating Judgment on the US 'War on terror'



By Rory O'Connell
On 24 July the European Court of Human Rights released two important Chamber judgments: Al Nashiri and Husayn (Abu Zubaydah) v Poland (applications 28761/11 and 7511/13). While Poland is the respondent state, the focus of the judgments is on detailing the profound abrogation of fundamental human-rights norms during the US-led global “war on terror”, announced in the aftermath of the September 2001 attacks on New York and the Pentagon.

Modern human-rights law protects a range of civil, cultural, economic, social and political rights. Most of the rights in the international system are subject to various qualifications: they can be limited to protect a legitimate public interest or subjected to special limits in times of emergency. There are few absolutes in this system but one remains: the prohibition on torture. The language used in international treaties permits no exception, as article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights exemplifies:

No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
While many rights are subject to exceptions, balancing, proportionate restrictions, such language does not appear in the texts on the prohibition of torture. Yet the unimaginable attacks on “9/11” provoked an unthinkable reaction—a determined effort by some democratic governments, most notably that of the US, to dilute the absolute prohibition on torture.

Still held

In the wake of “9/11”, the US government created a programme for the capture and interrogation of “high-value detainees” (HVD) in the “war on terror”. The applicants in these cases are two such detainees, alleged to be involved with the al-Qaeda network. Both are still held by the US in Guantanamo, more than a decade after their original detention.

Abu Zubaydah was alleged to be a leading member al-Qaeda when he was arrested in Pakistan in 2002, during an operation in which he was seriously wounded. His medical condition and mental health are reported to be extremely poor. Al Nashiri was captured in Dubai in 2002. He is accused of involvement in attacks including that on the USS Cole. He is facing trial, and a possible death sentence, in the US. In late 2002 and for most of 2003, the two men were detained at a secret facility in Poland.

Both were subjected to the HVD regime of the Central Intelligence Agency, details of which are catalogued in the documents, reports and news media canvassed by the court in its judgments. While much of this was known, as my colleague Fionnuala Ní Aoláin says, there is value in the “judicial articulation” of this process. Much of the often chilling information comes from a CIA background paper detailing the interrogation techniques.

The detainees were transported in jets operated by Jeppeson, a subsidiary of Boeing. They were carried shackled, blindfolded and hooded, not knowing where they were going. The detentions were unacknowledged, the details of the prisoners were kept secret (one expert says they were treated as “cargo”), and the flight plans were disguised. The flights criss-crossed a “spider’s web” of destinations including Morocco, Thailand and several European democracies, such as Poland, Romania and Lithuania. The creation of this network dates to the initial stages of the “war on terror”.

“Black hole”

The aim of the system of secret detention and transport was to maintain these detainees incommunicado in undisclosed locations where the rule of law—be it US law or international law—could not reach. The Guantanamo version of this was labelled a “legal black hole” by the UK judge Lord Steyn but these cases address such a black hole on the territory of a European democracy.

A CIA document published in 2009 and discussed in the case (Al Nashiri, paragraph 62) said:

Effective interrogation is based on the concept of using both physical and psychological pressures in a comprehensive, systematic and cumulative manner to influence HVD behaviour, to overcome a detainee’s resistance posture. The goal of interrogation was to create a state of learned helplessness and dependence.

The document described the processes involved clinically. Detention conditions included the use of white noise and constant lighting to disorient the detainee and ensure better security. “Conditioning techniques”—nudity, sleep deprivation and dietary manipulation—were intended to convince the detainee that he had “no control over basic human needs”. Sleep deprivation was achieved by vertically shackling the detainee, provided with a diaper for sanitary purposes.

The next stage was the application of “corrective techniques”—described as the insult slap, the abdominal slap, the facial hold and the attention grasp. Finally, the “coercive techniques” consisted of walling (being thrown against a flexible false wall), water-dousing, use of stress positions, wall-standing and cramped confinement in a box.

These “enhanced interrogation techniques” were authorised for use by the CIA interrogators. Al Nashiri was also subject to unauthorised techniques: use of a stiff brush to bathe him, blowing of smoke in his face, standing on his shackles and mock execution involving a handgun and a power drill. Both applicants were subjected to waterboarding.

Complicit

The European Court of Human Rights can hear cases brought by persons against a state party to the European Convention on Human Rights. The US is not such a state and so is not the official respondent in these cases. That is Poland—and the European court found that the Polish state was complicit in the system of secret prisons and torture, even if none of its officials had actively participated in the interrogations.

The US had operated a secret prison near a Polish airport. The procedures for landing the planes and transporting the prisoners were intended to ensure that no Polish national would be a witness. But they could not have been realised without the co-operation of senior Polish officials and military intelligence (the CIA preferred to work with military-intelligence services, as these were less likely to undergo civilian oversight).

The court pulls no punches in its characterisation of the treatment. The administration of George W Bush had notoriously sought to equivocate on the definition of torture. The elaborate detailing of “enhanced interrogation techniques” was meant to create a category of tactics that would not fall within the prohibition on torture. The European court had however little hesitation in finding that the techniques met the level of severity required for a finding of torture and that they were inflicted for definite purposes.

The court also found that the Polish authorities had failed to investigate the allegations of torture promptly or effectively. A Polish parliamentary committee had considered the allegations during a closed inquiry, which produced no statement other than a denial of anything “untoward” (Al Nashiri, para 128). A more elaborate inquiry by the prosecutor’s office had been plagued by delay and had not led to any prosecutions—or, indeed, any identification of suspects. The involvement in incommunicado detention was also a breach of the right to liberty (convention article 5) and the right to respect for private and family life (article 8).

The transfer of the applicants outside the territory of Poland also violated article 6, the right to a fair trial. A convention state may not permit the removal of a person to another state, where this would result in a flagrant breach of article 6. In the context of the process for trying persons in Guantanamo—before a military commission, itself in breach of US law and where evidence obtained by torture might be admissible—removal to face such a “trial” would constitute such a contravention.

The removal of Al Nashiri violated the prohibition on the death penalty. His trial is due to begin in September; the judgment requires Poland to use all its influence to prevent capital punishment were he to face conviction.

The court also found that Poland had failed to co-operate with its hearing. It had requested information and offered guarantees of confidentiality. It noted that it had a long history of dealing with sensitive information in cases involving national security and that as a court it was entitled to be master of its own procedures.

In light of the numerous, serious violations the court ordered Poland to pay €100,000 to each applicant in respect of non-pecuniary damage.

Rights reaffirmed

The court’s ruling is welcome for many reasons. It unequivocally reaffirms the importance of the rights to freedom from torture, to personal liberty, to a fair trial and privacy. It condemns torture, disappearances and secret prisons.

Given the secrecy of the programme, the reluctance of the Polish state to co-operate fully and the isolation of the applicants incarcerated in Guantanamo, the court might have had difficulties in determining the facts. It however rose to this challenge, relying on the wealth of information in a series of reports—US, European (the Marty reports of 2007 and 2011 to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Fava and Flautre reports of the European Parliament), media and NGO—to make reasonable assumptions and to evidence its conclusions.

The court has not only restated the absolute prohibition of torture but has also made an important contribution to defending the public’s right to know. And more may yet emerge. This week sees the release of the summary of a US Senate report on the CIA programme. There is a related case before the European court against Romania (application 33234/12). And there are continuing unanswered questions about the role of the United Kingdom in the “war on terror”.



Reprinted with permission from openDemocracy.

Sen. John McCain is a Damn Liar: He Backed Transfer of Taliban Members for US Soldier Held by Taliban — Now Says He Didn't

A bitter man who tried to inflict Sarah Palin on America by choosing her for his running mate never got over getting trounced by Obama in the 2008 presidential election. (Illustration by DonkeyHotey)
A bitter man who tried to inflict Sarah Palin on America by
choosing her for his running mate never got over getting
trounced by Obama in the 2008 presidential election.
(Illustration by DonkeyHotey)

By Laura Clawson
Sen. John McCain usually gets a free pass from the media, but this time he may have gone too far. The 2008 presidential loser is being called out for his egregious flip-flop from, in February, wanting the Obama administration to get Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl's release from the Taliban, to his outrage now that exactly that has happened. McCain has fallen back on claiming that he did want Bergdahl released, but not by the terms of this specific deal. Too bad the facts don't back him up even a little bit. The Washington Post's Glenn Kessler concludes a fact-check of McCain's claims by awarding him an upside-down Pinocchio, and begins it with this devastating pair of McCain quotes:

“Now this idea is for an exchange of prisoners for our American fighting man. I would be inclined to support such a thing depending on a lot of the details.”

–Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), interview on CNN, Feb. 18, 2014

“We were never told that there would be an exchange of Sergeant Bergdahl for five Taliban.”
–McCain, interview on CNN, June 3, 2014

Yes, McCain said in February that his support would depend on the details, but there is no question that he knew it would involve an exchange of prisoners and even knew which prisoners were likely to be involved. In fact, he described a potential deal as involving "five really hard-core Taliban leaders."

Read More

Some of Those 'Suicides' At Guantanamo Were Likely Murders by the US Government: Document Reveals Potential CIA Coverup

Talal Al-Zahrani (left) and his son Yasser Al-Zahrani (right), who died at Guantanamo in 2006.
Talal Al-Zahrani (left) and his son Yasser Al-Zahrani (right), who died
at Guantanamo in 2006.
By Kevin Gosztola
Yasser Al-Zahrani was twenty-one years-old when he died at Guantanamo Bay. The US military claims he, along with two other prisoners, committed suicide in their cells. However, a new document uncovered by journalist Scott Horton and published by Harper’s Magazine strongly suggests that they were killed at a CIA black site prison.

The Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) investigated the deaths of Al-Zahrani, Ali Abdulla Ahmed, and Mana Shaman Allabard al Tabi. They concluded that they had died on June 10, 2006, after taking their own lives by making a rope out of bed sheets and T-shirts and hanging themselves.

Both Ahmed and Allabard were allegedly declared to be dead immediately when their bodies were discovered. Al-Zahrani, on the other hand, was transported to the Naval Hospital at Guantanamo and then pronounced dead later.

Horton uncovered a document, Exhibit 25, which was missing from the NCIS report on the “suicides” released in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. It features statements from Master-at-Arms Denny, a member of the escort team who helped transfer the three detainees to the hospital.

As Horton writes, “Some time after midnight on June 10, Denny and another member of the escort team were instructed to transport a detainee suffering ‘life threatening symptoms,’ from a cell block in Camp I to the camp’s clinic. When Denny’s team arrived at the entrance to Camp I, they were informed that the detainee had already been moved to the clinic, a highly unusual violation of standard operating procedure.”

“For this reason, I had a feeling something was wrong,” the master-at-arms declared.

Al-Zahrani was handcuffed when the master-at-arms first saw him. He was lying on a stretcher. His feet were blue and he was limp. But, later, a soldier wrapped “‘an altered detainee sheet, that looked like the same material [Al-Zahrani] used to hang himself’ around the detainee’s right wrist.”

The Combat Camera team attempted to document the scene, which is standard operating procedure, but Colonel Michael Bumgarner apparently ordered them to stop filming.

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America’s 'Rogue Government' Controlled by US Intelligence: The 'Big Secret' Behind the CIA Spying on the Congress

"Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Liberal Hawk" - Didn't mind
when the intelligence community spied on ordinary
citizens, yet goes berserk when she discovers they
were spying on the senate. (Illustration by Donkey
Hotey
)


By Washington's Blog
What You DON’T KNOW About CIA Fight with Congress

You’ve heard that there’s a big battle between the CIA and Congress over the CIA spying on the Senate Intelligence Committee’s review of documents related to the Bush-era torture program.

Many are calling it a “constitutional crisis“. House Oversight Committee Chairman Darrell Issa calls it potential “treason“.

The congress members complaining about spying by the CIA are right, of course.

But they are hypocrites. Specifically, these same congress members didn’t raise a peep when the government was spying on the people … and instead defended the government’s mass surveillance at every opportunity.

There are hundreds of thousands of Google hits for the search term “Hypocrisy CIA Senate Feinstein“.

High-level NSA whistleblower Bill Binney, Edward Snowden, a very high-level former CIA officer, a former FBI agent and many others are all slamming Congress for the hypocrisy

Even Jon Stewart has lambasted them.

(And this isn’t the first time that Congress has been hypocritical when the spying was turned against them personally.)

A corrupt CIA is certainly part of the problem. After all, the same guy who was the lawyer for the CIA torture unit – and who was mentioned 1,600 times in the Senate intelligence report on torture – is now the chief counsel for the CIA … the guy working so hard to make sure the torture report is never released. (He was also involved in the destruction of tapes documenting CIA torture … discussed more fully below).

And don’t let Obama fool you: The White House is a big part of the problem as well.

Obama has for years prevented the Senate Intelligence report on torture – what the CIA’s spying is all about – from being declassified.

Glenn Greenwald tweets:

Could someone remind me who appointed [CIA director] John Brennan and to whom he reports? Having trouble finding it in most discussions ….

Obama appointed current CIA-director John Brennan, who – before the appointment – had expressly endorsed torture, assassination of unidentified strangers (including Americans) without due process, and spying on all Americans, and who got caught in numerous lies got caught in numerous other lies related to national security and defense. (Indeed, Brennan insisted that he be sworn in with a copy of the Constitution which didn’t include the Bill of Rights.)

The White House has also withheld 9,400 documents from the Senate’s CIA torture investigation. McClatchy reports:

The White House has been withholding for five years more than 9,000 top-secret documents sought by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence for its investigation into the now-defunct CIA detention and interrogation program, even though President Barack Obama hasn’t exercised a claim of executive privilege.

In contrast to public assertions that it supports the committee’s work, the White House has ignored or rejected offers in multiple meetings and in letters to find ways for the committee to review the records, a McClatchy investigation has found.

And Senator Mark Udall said that Obama knew about the CIA’s spying on Congress.
Not Just the CIA … And Not a New Problem

But it’s not just the CIA. And there has been a constitutional crisis for a long time.

For example, the FBI collected files on everyone. As the New York Times reports:

J. Edgar Hoover compiled secret dossiers on the sexual peccadillos and private misbehavior of those he labeled as enemies — really dangerous people like … President John F. Kennedy, for example.

The NSA has been spying on – and intimidating – its “overseers” in Washington. Indeed, the NSA spied on anti-war Congress members in the 1970s … including the chair of the Congressional Committee investigating illegal NSA spying.

One of the NSA whistleblower sources for the 2005 post on illegal spying – Russel Tice – says that the NSA illegally spied on General Petraeus and other generals, Supreme Court Justice Alito and all of the other supreme court justices, the White House spokesman, and many other top officials.

The Washington Times reported in 2006 that – when Tice offered to testify to Congress about this illegal spying – he was informed by the NSA that the Senate intelligence committee was not cleared to hear such information:

Renee Seymour, director of NSA special access programs stated in a Jan. 9 letter to Russ Tice that he should not testify about secret electronic intelligence programs because members and staff of the House and Senate intelligence committees do not have the proper security clearances for the secret intelligence.

(And see this.)

Former high-level NSA executive Bill Binney points out how absurd that statement is:

Russ Tice … was prepared to testify to Congress to this, too, and so NSA sent him a letter saying, we agree that you have a right to go to Congress to testify, but we have to advise you that the intelligence committees that you want to testify to are not cleared for the programs you want to speak about. Now, that fundamentally is an open emission … by NSA that they are violating the intelligence acts of 1947 and 1978, which require NSA and all other intelligence agencies to notify Congress of all the programs that they’re running so they can have effective oversight, which they’ve never had anyway.
The Other Story Getting Lost In the Shuffle

And there’s another story getting lost in the shuffle …

Sure, the top independent interrogation experts say that torture is ineffective … and actually harms national security. You’ve probably already heard arguments one way or the other on this issue, and likely have made up your mind about it.

But remember, the torture used by the U.S. on the Guantanamo suspects was of a “special” type.

Specifically, Senator Levin revealed that the the U.S. used Communist torture techniques specifically aimed at creating false confessions. And see these important reports from McClatchy, New York Times, CNN and Huffington Post.

In other words, were not just talking about torture. We’re talking about deploying a special type of torture in order to get FALSE confessions.

In addition, the Atlantic notes:

America is likely to torture again, if we aren’t doing it already.

(And see this and this.)

A related part of this underreported part of the torture story is that the CIA’s torture program ended up deceiving the 9/11 Commission. Specifically, the 9/11 Commission Report was largely based on third-hand accounts of what tortured detainees said, with two of the three parties in the communication being government employees. The 9/11 Commissioners were not allowed to speak with the detainees, or even their interrogators. Instead, they got their information third-hand. The Commission itself didn’t really trust the interrogation testimony… yet published it as if it were Gospel.

New York Times investigative reporter Philip Shenon Newsweek noted in a 2009 essay in Newsweek that the 9/11 Commission Report was unreliable because most of the information was based on the statements of tortured detainees.

NBC News reported:

  • Much of the 9/11 Commission Report was based upon the testimony of people who were tortured
  • At least four of the people whose interrogation figured in the 9/11 Commission Report have claimed that they told interrogators information as a way to stop being “tortured.”
     
  • One of the Commission’s main sources of information was tortured until he agreed to sign a confession that he was NOT EVEN ALLOWED TO READ
  • The 9/11 Commission itself doubted the accuracy of the torture confessions, and yet kept their doubts to themselves

And the CIA videotaped the interrogation of 9/11 suspects, but falsely told the 9/11 Commission that there were no videotapes or other records of the interrogations, and then illegally destroyed all of the tapes and transcripts of the interrogations. (As discussed above, the current head CIA lawyer helped to destroy the tapes.)

9/11 Commission co-chairs Thomas Keane and Lee Hamilton wrote:

  • Those who knew about those videotapes — and did not tell us about them — obstructed our investigation.

    ***
  • Government officials decided not to inform a lawfully constituted body, created by Congress and the president, to investigate one the greatest tragedies to confront this country. We call that obstruction.
In other words, we’ve got a rogue government. That’s the big story behind the CIA-congressional battle.


Reprinted with permission from Center for Research in Globalization.

US Military Still Permits Torture - Contrary to Obama's Promises

The Obama administration has replaced the use of brutal torture techniques with those that emphasize psychological torture

By
The United States Army Field Manual (AFM) on interrogation (prdf) has been sold to the American public and the world as a replacement for the brutal torture tactics used by the CIA and the Department of Defense during the Bush/Cheney administration.

RELATED STORY: Contrary To This Author's Mythology: The US Never Stopped Physical Torturing -
This Video Proves It Simply Outsourced It


On 22 January 2009, President Obama released an executive order stating that any individual held by any US government agency "shall not be subjected to any interrogation technique or approach, or any treatment related to interrogation, that is not authorized by and listed in Army Field Manual 2 22.3."

But a close reading of Department of Defense documents and investigations by numerous human rights agencies have shown that the current Army Field Manual itself uses techniques that are abusive and can even amount to torture.

Continue Reading...

New Campaign Highlights Post-9/11 Civil and Human Rights Abuses on American Soil

Cuban workers prepare to return home after a
day of work at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
(Photo by Gary Hopkins, US Navy)
By Aviva Stahl
This past weekend, activists across the country and around the world marked the 12th anniversary of the arrival of the first prisoners to the U.S. military detention center at Guantanamo Bay. Detainees there have endured numerous forms of torture, including waterboarding, “stress positions,” prolonged solitary confinement, and force-feeding, as well as indefinite detention without trial, and many advocates have pressed for their immediate transfer to the United States and to the federal civilian justice system.

But not everyone believes that the torture and injustice will end if Guantanamo shuts its doors. Last Tuesday, members of a new campaign called No Separate Justice held a launch event in New York City. The campaign focuses exclusively on exposing the civil and human rights abuses in “War on Terror” cases prosecuted on American soil–abuses that are almost always directed against Muslims.

The campaign will center around four core areas: conditions of confinement (including extreme solitary confinement and deprivation); fair trial and due process concerns (like the classification of evidence held against detainees, even those being charged); First Amendment and material support charges (notably the use of “preemptive prosecution” based on individuals’ perceived political activities or beliefs); and surveillance and entrapment (through “sting” operations that actually persuade individuals to conspire to illegal acts).

Continue Reading...

Torture On Tape: US Special Forces Members Watch as Afghan Prisoner is Tortured


A video just posted online by Rolling Stone shows a hogtied prisoner being whipped by Afghan security forces, as what appears to be two unidentified American military officers look on. According to investigative reporter Matthieu Aikins, the Army's Criminal Investigation Command confirmed an ongoing investigation into the incident. Aikins says the video fits with a general pattern of recurring abuse of detainees in U.S. and Afghan custody.

Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, democracyNow!


 

Beyond Censorship: The Unspeakable Brutality of ISIS — Jordanian Pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh is Burned Alive (Warning: Graphic Video)

WARNING:
The video you about to see is extremely graphic and some may even find it disturbing. It depicts scenes of extreme violence and brutality and should only be viewed by adults.



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