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Showing posts with label full disclosure. Show all posts
Showing posts with label full disclosure. Show all posts

Owner of Fox News, Rupert Murdoch, Was A Key Player in the CIA's Global Propaganda Operations - Perpetuates Racism

The Real Question Is: Why did the CIA's global propaganda operation with Fox News' owner include the agenda of maintaining and exacerbating racial hatred?—Ronald David Jackson

Murdoch, Scaife and CIA Propaganda


Illustration by DonkeyHotey.

By Robert Parry
The rapid expansion of America’s right-wing media began in the 1980s as the Reagan administration coordinated foreign policy initiatives with conservative media executives, including Rupert Murdoch, and then cleared away regulatory hurdles.

The Reagan administration pulled right-wing media executives Rupert Murdoch and Richard Mellon Scaife into a CIA-organized “perception management” operation which aimed Cold War-style propaganda at the American people in the 1980s, according to declassified U.S. government records.

Although some records relating to Murdoch remain classified, several documents that have been released indicate that he and billionaire Scaife were considered sources of financial and other support for President Ronald Reagan’s hard-line Central American policies, including the CIA’s covert war in Nicaragua.

A driving force behind creation of Reagan’s extraordinary propaganda bureaucracy was CIA Director William Casey who dispatched one of the CIA’s top covert action specialists, Walter Raymond Jr., to the National Security Council to oversee the project. According to the documents, Murdoch was brought into the operation in 1983 – when he was still an Australian citizen and his media empire was much smaller than it is today.

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Outfoxed: Rupert Murdoch's War on Journalism - Documentary



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Charles Wick, director of the U.S. Information Agency, arranged at least two face-to-face meetings between Murdoch and Reagan, the first on Jan. 18, 1983, when the administration was lining up private financing for its propaganda campaign, according to records at the Reagan presidential library in Simi Valley, California. That meeting also included lawyer and political operative Roy Cohn and his law partner Thomas Bolan.

Sean Hannity (left)  hosts Fox New's highest rated show. He spends
much of his airtime telling whites it's okay to be racist. Early in his
career Hannity was close to notorious neo-Nazi Hal Turner (right).
(Left Photo - YouTube; Right Photo - CT State Capitol Police)
The Oval Office meeting between Reagan and Murdoch came just five days after NSC Advisor William Clark noted in a Jan. 13, 1983 memo to Reagan the need for non-governmental money to advance the project. “We will develop a scenario for obtaining private funding,” Clark wrote, as cited in an unpublished draft chapter of the congressional Iran-Contra investigation.

Clark then told the President that “Charlie Wick has offered to take the lead. We may have to call on you to meet with a group of potential donors.”

The documents suggest that Murdoch was soon viewed as a source for that funding. In an Aug. 9, 1983 memo summing up the results of a Casey-organized meeting with five leading ad executives regarding how to “sell” Reagan’s aggressive policies in Central America, Raymond referred to Murdoch as if he already were helping out.

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Charter-School Chain In North Carolina Says Administrator Salaries Are A 'Trade Secret' — The State Disagrees

Second graders work through problems at the Columbus Charter School, in Whiteville,  N.C. The school is part of the charter schooI chain investigated by ProPubIica last  month. (Travis Dove for ProPublica)
Second graders work through problems at the Columbus Charter School, in Whiteville,
N.C. The school is part of the charter schooI chain investigated by ProPubIica last
month. (Travis Dove for ProPublica)
By Marian Wang, ProPublica
The North Carolina State Board of Education has issued a warning to a charter-school chain for failing to comply with an agency order to disclose the salaries of school administrators. The schools have been put on "financial probationary status," which could lead to sanctions if their board does not comply within 10 business days.

This is the same charter-school chain, Charter Day School, Inc., that ProPublica wrote about last month. As we reported, the four charter schools channel millions in public education dollars each year to for-profit companies owned by the schools' founder, businessman Baker Mitchell. One of the for-profit companies, Roger Bacon Academy, is paid to run all the day-to-day operations of the schools. As we wrote:

Roger Bacon Academy functions as the schools' administrative arm, taking the lead in hiring and firing school staff.

It handles most of the bookkeeping. The treasurer of the nonprofit that controls the four schools is also t he chief financial officer of Mitchell's management company. The two organizations even share a bank account.

Mitchell's management company was chosen by the schools' nonprofit board, which Mitchell was on at the time — an arrangement that is illegal in many other states.

Charter schools, which are privately run but government-funded, often outsource back-office functions to private companies. At issue between North Carolina and Mitchell's charter-school chain is the extent to which regulators can demand to know what happens to public dollars once they move into the coffers of a private company.

State officials say they have the right to ask for information related to the schools' activities and programs – and that includes salaries of any employees assigned to work at them. Other charter schools in North Carolina have complied and turned over this information. Mitchell's schools are the only ones that have not.

In an earlier response to regulators, the schools' board chairman, John Ferrante, stated that the schools are "contractually bound to preserve [the management company's] trade secrets." He also said that the nonprofit does not actually have the salary information for management company employees.

In a letter sent by the management company to Ferrante, Mitchell's company said it would turn over the salary information so long as regulators sign an agreement to recognize the information as confidential and exempt it from public disclosure.

Through Ferrante, Mitchell declined to comment on regulators' latest demand for salary information.

On his blog and in earlier interviews with ProPublica, Baker Mitchell has maintained that private companies operating charter schools should not have to be transparent about their financials or publicly disclose what they pay their employees.

If you have information about charter schools and their profits or oversight — or any other tips — email us at charters@propublica.org.

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.



Reprinted with permission from ProPublica

Whites Are Superior: Highly Placed Media Racists at the New York Times, New Republic and Elsewhere

Nicholas Wade, science writer for the New York Times for three decades, turned out to be a closet racist.
Nicholas Wade, science writer for the New York Times for
three decades, turned out to be a closet racist.
By Steve Rendall
Nicholas Wade was a leading New York Times science writer for three decades. He left the paper weeks after the May publication of his book, A Troublesome Inheritance: Genes, Race and Human History, a book many reviewers say is a full-throated defense of "scientific racism." Wade's views raise questions about his tenure at the Times, and about corporate media vigilance on coverage of racism.

There are many reasons media fail to adequately challenge racism, particularly racism in high places (FAIR Blog, 6/27/14). But one rarely discussed reason is that some highly placed corporate media figures are open to racism. I documented this a while back in Extra! (4/05), after New York Times columnists David Brooks (12/7/04) and John Tierney (10/24/04) approvingly cited the work of Steve Sailer, a central figure in the promotion of racist and anti-immigrant theories.

For his part, Brooks praised a Sailer article in the American Conservative (12/20/04) promoting a movement that saw white people, as Brooks would have it, flouting Western trends toward declining birth rates by having lots of children and leaving behind the "disorder, vulgarity and danger" of cities to move to "clean, orderly" suburban and exurban settings where they can "protect their children from bad influences."

As I wrote of Brooks' embrace of natalism at the time:

Did Brooks understand his source's views? A look at the American Conservative article (12/20/04) that Brooks presumably read, since he cited it, ought to have raised the suspicions of an engaged columnist. In it, Sailer describes the undesirable urban traits he says white people are trying to escape: "illegal immigrants and other poor minorities," "ghetto hellions" and "public schools." Are these the things Brooks meant when he alluded to "disorder, vulgarity and danger" and "bad influences" in his Times column?

In 1994, when Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray published The Bell Curve, a book espousing the so-called "academic racist" theories that black people are inherently less intelligent and more prone to crime than whites or Asians, the New York Times Book Review (10/16/94) published a fawning, credulous review by Times science reporter Malcolm Browne.

The Times wasn't the only "liberal" outlet to praise a book that, according to co-author Murray, was largely based on sources so odious he would hide them from public view. The allegedly liberal New Republic verily gushed over the book, with editor Andrew Sullivan dedicating an entire issue of the magazine to it, and defending its key premise. Wrote Sullivan: "The notion that there might be resilient ethnic differences in intelligence is not, we believe, an inherently racist belief."

FAIR's Jim Naureckas (Extra!, 1/95) answered Sullivan and fellow Bell Curve defenders:

In fact, the idea that some races are inherently inferior to others is the definition of racism. What the New Republic was saying–along with other media outlets that prominently and respectfully considered the thesis of Charles Murray and the late Richard Herrnstein's book–is that racism is a respectable intellectual position, and has a legitimate place in the national debate on race.

Even outlets that praised The Bell Curve balked at Nicholas Wade's genetic determinism.
Even outlets that praised The Bell Curve
balked at Nicholas Wade's genetic
determinism.
It goes without saying that right-wing outlets like the National Review, long steeped in bogus IQ science, biological determinism and plain old racism,were thrilled by the Bell Curve, dedicating most of an issue to the book (12/5/94), including an approving piece by Arthur Jensen, one of the patriarchs of scientific racism and one of the sources Murray had seen fit to hide from public view.

To bring us up to date, in his recent book, A Troublesome Inheritance, long-time New York Times science writer Nicholas Wade comes fully out of the closet as an adherent of academic racism.

Wade argues that race is not, as many experts say, little more than a social construct, but rather centrally important, something like destiny. One culture's superiority over another, in one area or other, is determined by evolutionary differences–genetics–which Wade argues are forged by differing environments and manifested in various cultures. This leads Wade to some crude conclusions, like:

Populations that live at high altitudes, like Tibetans, represent another adaptation to extreme environments. The adaptation of Jews to capitalism is another such evolutionary process.

Expanding on the lack of economic success in African nations relative to those in Western Europe, Wade writes, "Variations in their nature, such as their time preference, work ethic and propensity to violence, have some bearing on the economic decisions they make."

Perhaps Wade's conclusions aren't surprising, considering his reliance on some of the same sources that Charles Murray saw fit to hide from public sight. As Jon Phillips writes in "Troublesome Sources: Nicholas Wade’s Embrace of Scientific Racism" (Hatewatch, 5/28/14), Wade employed leading scientific racists (and Murray favorites) Arthur Jensen and Richard Lynn, but didn't seem too eager to set their work entirely in context:

Even more remarkably, Wade manages to write a summary of American eugenics that completely neglects to mention the Pioneer Fund. Founded by Nazi sympathizers in 1937, the Pioneer Fund was, and continues to be, the chief source of financial support for eugenic research in the postwar period. One cannot help but wonder if this omission is related to the fact that Wade approvingly cites Pioneer grantees like Arthur Jensen, and relies heavily on the work of the Fund’s current president, Richard Lynn, for data on the low IQs of black populations worldwide.

There's one encouraging sign resulting from the publication of A Troublesome Inheritance: The book has fared badly with reviewers, even in the outlets where the harsher, more malicious Bell Curve thrived. For instance, Wade's former home, the New York Times (5/15/14), ran a review that states half-way in, "This is where Mr. Wade’s argument starts to go off the rails." The reviewer is describing Wade's views on the differences "between tribal and modern societies":

At times, his theorizing is merely puzzling, as when he notes that the gene variant that gives East Asians dry earwax also produces less body odor, which would have been attractive "among people spending many months in confined spaces to escape the cold." No explanation of why ancient Europeans, presumably cooped up just as much, didn’t also develop this trait. Later, he speculates that thick hair and small breasts evolved in Asian women because they may have been "much admired by Asian men." And why, you might ask, did Asian men alone prefer these traits?

The New Republic, which gushed over Herrnstein and Murray's book, called Wade's "racist" and its arguments "stupid" (5/25/14), shooting holes in its scientific rigor and unsupported assumptions. Perhaps a different editor and the fact that the piece was a reprint from the leftish UK magazine New Statesman made the difference, but the New Republic seems to have changed its mind about scientific racism.

Wade's genetic obsession isn't anything new. In "The Hunt for the Hat Gene," (11/15/09), University of Pennsylvania linguist Mark Liberman noted Wade's bizarre insistence that for every human action, cultural trait, or behavior their must be a gene, and how Wade's seeming gene fetish leads him to over-interpreting or even fabricating the science:

Nicholas Wade is an inveterate gene-for-X enthusiast–he's got 68 stories in the NYT index with "gene" in the headline–and he's had two opportunities to celebrate this idea in the past few days: "Speech Gene Shows Its Bossy Nature", 11/12/2009, and "The Evolution of the God Gene", 11/14/2009.

Liberman explains why the first of these stories as "basically nonsense," while the second is "a completely hypothetical just-so story" that "verges on the bizarre."

Why aren't people in Ghana as wealthy as Danes? Maybe it's their genes, Nicholas Wade suggests. (cc photo: P. Casier/CGIAR)
Why aren't people in Ghana as wealthy as Danes?
Maybe it's their genes, Nicholas Wade suggests.
(cc photo: P. Casier/CGIAR)
Statistician Andrew Gelman (Slate, 5/8/14) elaborated on Wade's gene obsession, showing how his assumptions often get him into trouble. For instance, in one passage, Wade asks, "Capital and information flow fairly freely, so what is it that prevents poor countries from taking out a loan, copying every Scandinavian institution, and becoming as rich and peaceful as Denmark?" Wade wants us to assume that genes are the answer; however, writes Gelman:

But one might just as well ask why can’t Buffalo, New York, take out a loan and become as rich (per capita) as New York City. Or, for that matter, why can’t Portugal become as rich as Denmark? After all, Portuguese are Caucasians too! One could of course invoke a racial explanation for Portugal's relative poverty, but Wade in his book generally refers to Europe or "the West" as a single unit. My point here is not that Haitians, Portuguese and Danes are equivalent–obviously they differ in wealth, infrastructure, human capital and so forth–but that it is not at all clear that genetic differences have much of anything to do with their different economic positions.

Wade's book has been well-received by traditional racist outlets, including VDARE.com (3/14/14), where former National Review writer John Derbyshire weighed in with "heartfelt" praise; and former National Review contributor Steve Sailer published a positive review in Taki's Magazine (4/30/14.) (Taki's seems to be where old bigots go when their racism takes too gauche a turn for the National Review.) Derbyshire's and Sailer's mutual friend Jared Taylor, who once told me he considered himself a "white separatist," wrote his own fawning review on his American Renaissance website (3/2/14).

One thing that's useful in racists' adoring reviews: the revelation that they have had a fond eye on Wade for years, seeing him as one of their own. For instance, in his VDARE review, Derbyshire harshly criticizes the Science Times, the New York Times science section, which is his setup to single out Wade as an exception:

All the more reason to treasure Nicholas Wade, longtime science reporter at the Times. Wade belongs to the older tradition of science writer.

Yes, a tradition going back more than a century, as Derbyshire clarifies: "In his articles on genetics, he has distinguished himself for at least the past dozen years by writing frankly about biological race differences." In Taki's, Sailer praises Wade's Times work, including a Times editorial (6/15/11) blasting the late paleontologist and bête noire of racial pseudoscience, Stephen Jay Gould, for, of all things, scientific bias.

Wade wrote his last piece for the Times on May 27, three weeks after his book was released. It's striking that in all those years that the racist right was admiring Wade's work, the Times either didn't notice or didn't care.



Reprinted with permission from Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.





Wall Street Wants to Make It Illegal for You to See What It's Doing With Public Money — And North Carolina Wants to Help Them

Photo by Cory Doctorow.
Photo by Cory Doctorow.
By David Sirota
In the last few months, there has been increasing pressure on public officials to stop hiding the basic terms of the investment agreements being cemented between governments and Wall Street’s “alternative investment” industry.

That pressure has been intensified, in part, by two sets of recent leaks showing how these alternative investment companies (private equity, hedge funds, venture capital, etc.) are using the secret deals to make hundreds of millions of dollars off taxpayers. It is also in response to the Securities and Exchange Commission recently declaring that many of the stealth schemes may be illegal.

And yet, as the demands for transparency grow louder, a potentially precedent-setting push for even more secrecy is emerging. Pando has learned that legislators in North Carolina — whose $86 billion public pension fund is the 7th largest in America – are proposing to statutorily bar the public from seeing details of the state’s Wall Street transactions for at least a decade. That time frame is significant: according to experts, it would conceal the terms of the investment agreements for longer than the statute of limitations of various securities laws.

In other words, the legislation – which could serve as a model in state legislatures everywhere – would bar the disclosure of the state’s financial transactions until many existing securities laws against financial fraud become unenforceable.

A growing scandal in North Carolina

If the North Carolina Retirement System and its sole trustee, Treasurer Janet Cowell (D), seem familiar to tech readers, that is because the NC system is one of the lead plaintiffs in the class action suit surrounding Facebook’s initial public offering. Additionally, as part of her career in the financial sector, Cowell was the marketing director for the tech-focused VC firm, SJF Ventures.

Like other states, North Carolina has been redacting and/or refusing to release the contractual terms of its pension fund’s massive Wall Street investments, even though the contracts involve public money and a public agency. In recent months, that practice exploded into a full-fledged political scandal when the State Employees Association of North Carolina released a 147-page report from former SEC investigator Ted Siedle.

The report asserted that under Cowell, up to $30 billion of state money is now being managed by high-risk, high-fee Wall Street firms, and that the state could soon be paying $1 billion a year in fees to those firms. The report also noted that the investment strategy “has underperformed the average public plan by $6.8 billion” and it alleged that Cowell has misled the public about how where exactly she is investing taxpayer dollars. The union has called for a federal investigation, while Cowell has publicly denied the allegations.

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Hey Google — Don't Be Evil: Shareholders and Activists Call for Political Spending Transparency, Climate Change Leadership, and Better Treatment of its Workers

(Photo by Clive Darra)
(Photo by Clive Darra)
Groups Held Rallied Outside Google's Annual Shareholder Meeting  and Presented Shareholders With Proposals

By Public Citizen
Shareholders and activists from around the country and region [rallied] at Google’s shareholder meeting, calling on the tech giant to stay true to its stated commitments to transparency, an open Internet and climate action by disclosing its lobbying spending and leaving the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) – two powerful groups that oppose those values. They are also urging Google to support good jobs for subcontracted security officers on its own campus, many of whom struggle to make ends meet despite the company’s staggering wealth. Groups will be using the hashtags #DontFundEvil and #DontBeEvil.

This morning and the previous two mornings, activists handed out fliers to Google employees at bus stops informing them of the company’s prodigious political spending on lobbying and its funding of groups that oppose taking action on climate change. Advocates also shed light on the company’s footprint in the local Bay Area community, where the eviction and affordability crises are escalating as companies like Google draw more high-income people to the region without supporting the right of longtime residents to stay. In San Francisco, Google is also perpetuating a two-tier system that privileges private over public transportation.

A shareholder proposal filed by Walden Asset Management, Connecticut pension funds and others, calls on Google to disclose how much it spends on lobbying and how much it contributes to associations like the Chamber, by far the largest corporate lobbying group, and ALEC, which pushes corporate-friendly model legislation through state governments.

Rally participants included Public Citizen’s U.S. Chamber Watch, Forecast the Facts, Common Cause California, Eviction Free San Francisco, Service Employees International Union-United Service Workers West (SEIU-USWW), the Sunflower Alliance, Sierra Club SF Bay Area Chapter, 350 East Bay, 350 Silicon Valley, and the Raging Grannies. After the rally, activists planned to use proxies to enter the shareholder meeting to ask questions of Google’s top management and formally present the shareholder proposal.

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MSNBC Has Nothing To Say About Comcast's Attempted Mega-Merger With Time Warner Cable — Comcast is MSNBC's Parent Company

Minnesota (Dem) Senator Al Franken.
Minnesota (Dem) Senator Al Franken.
By
A liberal-leaning Democrat is waging a somewhat lonely but passionate fight against a mega-corporate merger. That's the kind of thing you're going to see talked about on the liberal-leaning cable channel MSNBC, right?

Not at the moment. Because that politician, Minnesota Sen. Al Franken, is talking about the Comcast/Time Warner Cable merger (New York Times, 4/11/14). And, of course, Comcast is MSNBC's parent company.

As we've noted before (FAIR Blog, 2/19/14), MSNBC mostly skipped the announcement of the merger. The only substantive coverage was on Morning Joe, where the CEOs enjoyed a victory lap. As co-host Joe Scarborough put it, "Comcast seems to be doing everything right over the past four or five years."

Not much has changed. Franken's questioning of company officials at a Senate judiciary committee hearing last week (4/9/14) drew notice from the likes of the New York Times (4/11/14), but it doesn't seem to change the dynamic over at Comcast's cable channel, which has a political point of view that you might think would be sympathetic to Franken's criticism–not to mention the dozens of public interest groups that have spoken out publicly against the deal.

Interestingly, CNN–which no longer has any corporate ties to Time Warner Cable–has done much more on the Comcast story, most recently on the media program Reliable Sources (4/13/14), which had also featured an interview with Craig Aaron of Free Press on the same subject (2/16/14).

But at this point, a merger of two massive media companies–which raises some fundamental questions about one corporation holding enormous power over cable, broadband and programming–isn't generating any interest over at MSNBC. If Franken and other Comcast critics need any more evidence showing how these media giants wield their power, they don't have to look very far.



Reprinted with permission from Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

Beyond Ratings: More Tools Coming to Pick Your Doctor

Photo by Lisa Brewster
Photo by Lisa Brewster.

By Charles Ornstein ProPublica, This story was co-published with Los Angeles Times

This week, the federal government is planning to release a massive database capable of providing patients with much more information about their doctors.

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the government agency that runs Medicare, plans to post on its website detailed information about how many visits and procedures individual health professionals billed the program for in 2012, and how much they were paid.

This new trove of data, which covers 880,000 health professionals, adds to a growing body of information available to patients who don't want to leave picking a doctor to chance. But to put that information to good use, consumers need to be aware of what is available, what's missing and how to interpret it.

So, what's out there?

As it stands, patients can go to websites such as Yelp or Healthgrades to read reviews of their doctors submitted by other patients. They can go to the websites of state medical boards to find out whether a doctor has faced disciplinary action. If they're really adventurous, they can seek out lawsuit filings.

At its website, ProPublica maintains a database on which patients can check whether their doctors have received payments or gifts from any of more than a dozen pharmaceutical companies. Another ProPublica database allows patients to look at which medications a doctor has prescribed to patients in Medicare's prescription drug program. The data enables patients to compare doctors with their peers, seeing if they have unusual practices or conflicts of interest.

This fall, under a little-debated part of the Affordable Care Act, the federal government will release data on personal, promotional and research payments to doctors from all pharmaceutical and medical device companies. Armed with this information, patients will be able to at least ask whether their doctors have prescribed a drug because it is the best one for their patients 2014 or because of a financial relationship.

It's important to remember, though, that data can sometimes be misleading. There's a big difference between, say, a hospice doctor giving almost every patient a narcotic and a podiatrist doing the same thing.

As my colleagues and I at ProPublica learned, seeming anomalies are sometimes easily explained. One Alaska nurse practitioner, for example, appeared to write an excessive number of orders for antipsychotics. But when we reached her to ask why, she told us that she wrote prescriptions for only a few days at a time to monitor patients' responses. Her explanation was borne out in the data.

These new tools all have limits. They won't tell you whether one doctor's patients are sicker than another's and need different therapies. They won't tell you about a doctor's bedside manner or willingness to return a phone call at 3 a.m. They won't tell you about a doctor's surgical skill.

It's also far from certain whether patients will embrace the tools. Currently, an array of information is available about hospitals and nursing homes, but it's unclear that it has made much of a difference in where patients seek care. Some people would simply prefer to make decisions the old-fashioned way, relying on community networks rather than data.

Still, our experience in making data available suggests lots of people are eager to use this information to drive healthcare choices. Millions have visited our Prescriber Checkup and Dollars for Docs news applications.

Moreover, despite grumbling from the American Medical Association and others in the medical establishment, the healthcare system has not collapsed because patients are learning more about their providers.

We're still a ways off from having enough information to do an overall comparison of the quality of care from one physician to another. But Medicare should be applauded for its new release of data, and it should continue to do more. It should also encourage private insurers and other public programs to follow suit.

Access to information is crucial if patients are to have any hope of answering that most basic of questions: How does my doctor practice medicine?


Reprinted with permission from ProPublica

Grocery Manufacturers Association Seeks to Pre-empt GMO Food Labeling — Wants To Keep Consumers Uninformed About What They're Eating

By Rebekah Wilce
When the Grocery Manufacturers Association (GMA), a Big Food lobby group, was sued for not disclosing the donors behind its heavyweight contribution to stop the Washington State ballot initiative to label genetically engineered foods in 2013, the public learned a few interesting things about its funding and plans. Not only did GMA eventually release those donors -- including large contributions from Coca-Cola, Pepsi, and Nestlé, among others -- but a public records request by public health lawyer and food blogger Michele Simon yielded GMA's confidential strategy document, which she then shared with the New York Times.




Topping GMA's list of priorities? "Pursue statutory federal preemption which does not include a labeling requirement." So it came as less of a surprise when Politico reported this year that GMA is preparing to push a bill in Congress to do just that -- pre-empt state and local mandatory labeling laws (already passed in Connecticut and Maine) and replace them with a voluntary federal standard.

"Voluntary labeling is an absolutely ineffective policy solution and is not a substitute for mandatory labeling," according to Andrew Kimbrell, Executive Director of the Center for Food Safety, which supports eaters' right to know whether their food contains GMOs.

GMO labeling enjoys widespread popular support in the United States. President Obama made a campaign promise in 2007 that he would "let folks know if their food has been genetically modified, because Americans should know what they’re buying" -- a promise about which over 200 companies and organizations recently reminded him. A 2012 Mellman Group Study showed that 91 percent of U.S. voters favored having the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) require labels on GE foods and ingredients. Sixty-four other countries already require labeling of GMOs in foods. Connecticut and Maine passed laws to label GMOs in 2013, but the implementation of those state laws is contingent on a certain population threshold in a number of other nearby states approving similar laws.

GMA's proposal would pre-empt all 50 states from requiring mandatory labeling.

If Labeling "Is Voluntary, No One Will Do it"

Image source: H. Doug Matsuoka, Flickr
GMA recently announced the formation of the Coalition for Safe Affordable Food in February to advocate for asking the FDA to establish federal standards for voluntary genetically modified organism (GMO) labeling.

But even advocates for genetic engineering like Mark Lynas -- who made headlines by going from tearing up crops as an anti-GMO activists to announcing that he had changed his mind -- advocate for labeling GMOs and admit, "If it is voluntary, then no-one will do it. Which food company is going to offer their lead brand as a sacrificial lamb to test the market for consumer preferences on GMOs?"

The Center for Food Safety's Kimbrell points out, "Voluntary labeling of GE foods is already permitted under the law, but no company has ever chosen to do so because GE foods offer consumers no benefits and only potential risk."

Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-OR), who sponsored the federal "Right to Know Act" pushing for mandatory labeling of GMOs across the United States, told Politico, "This may be actually a misstep by the GMA -- to try and proactively prohibit meaningful labeling that may in fact really kindle a much more proactive grass-roots movement on the other side. . . . If they start to move a bill that does the opposite [of labeling, which has been called for by consumers], they may not like the results."

GMOs: "Natural"?

GMA's wishlist bill draft would also require the FDA to "develop Federal definition for 'natural' claims on product labels." The FDA recently "respectfully declined" to decide if GMOs belong in "natural" foods, saying, "Any definition of natural on food labeling has implications well beyond the narrow scope of genetically engineered food ingredients," and pleading limited resources. The bill would force a decision.

Stay tuned. The GMA proposal is expected to be introduced and sent to the House Energy and Commerce Committee as early as this month.


Reprinted with permission from PRWatch.

10 Things They Won't Tell You About Money in Politics





Some money in politics issues are truly, frustratingly complicated. At other times, what seems complex might actually be a matter of inside baseball, explanations that only beltway insiders know and understand by heart. The rest of us might not be privy to some of the more intricate and complex rules and practices that are employed by special interests in their attempts to influence policy. Here's a handy guide to some of the "tricks of the trade" that you might not be aware of. 

By OpenSecrets.org
1) A Lobbyist is a lobbyist is a... Senior Advisor?
At first glance, calculating how much money is spent on lobbying should be straightforward. But even groups that do report some lobbying activity are not required to disclose exactly how much they spend. A significant level of undercounting is likely due to a carve-out in the law that allows some highly-paid political operatives to avoid disclosing any of their lobbying activities.

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2) Good Things Come in Big Bundles
Top campaign fundraisers, commonly known as "bundlers," have had a growing role in presidential and congressional campaigns over the past decade, drawing substantial rewards to match. Despite this trend, there's no law requiring disclosure of campaign bundlers, as long as the fundraisers are not currently active, federally registered lobbyists. Beyond that, bundler disclosure is entirely voluntary.

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3) Dark Money Matters
In the 2006 midterm elections, groups that didn't disclose their donors reported spending less than $700,000 on ads and other activities designed to sway electoral outcomes. By the time of the 2010 midterms, these "dark money" groups spent $127.1 million, more than 1,800 times as much. And in the 2012 election cycle, their spending jumped to more than $308 million. If you thought disclosure was a given in the campaign finance system that grew out of the long-ago Watergate scandal, think again.

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4) What Personal Financial Disclosure Statements Don't Disclose
Personal financial disclosure statements (PFDs) are filed annually by members of Congress, their staffs, Supreme Court justices and thousands of upper level executive branch employees. They list investments, transactions made in those investments throughout the year, and any substantial debts. They also reveal income, gifts received, and travel paid by others. The idea behind the filing requirement is to reveal conflicts of interest, both preemptively and after the fact. But the transparency provided by these filings is less than you might think. Just try using them to pinpoint how much a lawmaker is worth or investigate detailed aspects of his or her finances.

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5) Where Does All the Campaign Money Go?
Big money in elections has two sides: contributions and expenditures. The cash and checks that flow to federal candidates and political committees can flow out in any number of ways -- not all of which help win elections. Committees can fritter money away ineffectively, use it to enrich friends and family, or otherwise abuse their supporters' trust with little fear of being found out.

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6) Going for a Spin
When a former lawmaker or senior White House aide leaves the government payroll and goes to work as a lobbyist, some say he or she is cashing in. A slightly more genteel way to put it in Washington is to say the person has gone through the revolving door.

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7) Shell Games
Many Americans think of super PACs as secretive, mysterious groups behind the attack ads clogging the airwaves before an election. But actually, despite how they're often portrayed, super PACs themselves are largely transparent. By law, they disclose all of their donors.Sometimes, though, the information disclosed masks the identity of the true donor.

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8) Dollars from Doha, Dakar or Dengzhou?
Unfortunately, it's impossible to say how much foreign money is influencing our elections. After the 2010 Citizens United decision opened the electoral landscape to greater participation by nonprofit social welfare groups known as 501(c)(4) organizations, the possibility for foreign involvement in campaign finance increased greatly.

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9) Joint Victory Committees and the Mega-Donor
A joint fundraising committee, or victory fund, is an account set up by two or more candidates, PACs, and/or political party committees hoping they can reap more together than they can on their own. Donors write one large check, and the money is divvied up between the partners. While neither can collect more from a single donor than they'd be able to on their own, it's often an efficient way to raise more money for everyone involved.

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10) What, Me Coordinate?
The concept of "coordination" is one of the most important aspects of campaign finance rules -- and one of the murkiest post-Citizens United. Super PACs and other outside spending groups are allowed to spend unlimited amounts of money in federal races as long as they don't collaborate with candidates. However, the rules about what constitutes coordination keep loosening. In practice, there are few practical limits on cooperation between outside groups, candidates and parties.

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Reprinted with permission from OpenSecrets.

Doctors Un-Masked: As Implementation of Full Disclosure Nears - Doctors' Cash from Drug Companies Plummets

"Doctor Payoffs" (Illustration by Mike Licht)
"Doctor Payoffs" (Illustration by Mike Licht)
By Charles Ornstein, Eric Sagara and Ryann Grochowski Jones
Some of the nation's largest pharmaceutical companies have slashed payments to health professionals for promotional speeches amid heightened public scrutiny of such spending, a new ProPublica analysis shows.

Eli Lilly and Co.'s payments to speakers dropped by 55 percent, from $47.9 million in 2011 to $21.6 million in 2012.

What the New 2018Collaborative Media' Can Mean
Our Dollars for Docs Database We compiled two million records from all the companies that have disclosed their payments to doctors so far. Search for your physician.
Pfizer's speaking payments fell 62 percent over the same period, from nearly $22 million to $8.3 million.

And Novartis, the largest U.S. drug maker as measured by 2012 sales, spent 40 percent less on speakers that year than it did between October 2010 and September 2011, reducing payments from $24.8 million to $14.8 million.

The sharp declines coincide with increased attention from regulators, academic institutions and the public to pharmaceutical company marketing practices. A number of companies have settled federal whistleblower lawsuits in recent years that accused them of improperly marketing their drugs.

In addition, the Physician Payment Sunshine Act, a part of the 2010 health reform law, will soon require all pharmaceutical and medical device companies to publicly report payments to physicians. The first disclosures required under the act are expected in September and will cover the period of August to December 2013.

Within the industry, some companies are reevaluating the role of physician speakers in their marketing repertoire. GlaxoSmithKline announced in December that it would stop paying doctors to speak on behalf of its drugs. Its speaking tab plummeted from $24 million in 2011 to $9.3 million in 2012.

Not all companies have cut speaker payments: Johnson and Johnson increased such spending by 17 percent from 2011 to 2012; AstraZeneca's payments stayed about flat in 2012 after a steep decline the previous year.

ProPublica has been tracking publicly reported payments by drug companies since 2010 as part of its Dollars for Docs project. Users can search for their doctors to see if they have received compensation from the 15 companies that make such information available online. (We've just updated our application to include payments made through the end of 2012, totaling $2.5 billion. Forest Labs, which only began reporting in 2012, reported speaking payments of $40 million, more than any other company in Dollars for Docs.)

Some companies in the database said their declines have less to do with the Sunshine Act and more to do with the loss of patent protection for key products. Lilly, for example, began facing generic competition to its blockbuster antipsychotic Zyprexa in late 2011. Its antidepressant Cymbalta lost its patent at the end of 2013.

"The value of educational programs tends to be higher when we're launching a new medicine or we have new clinical data/new indication," Lilly spokesman J. Scott MacGregor said in an email, adding that the drop in speaking payments also reflects the increased use of web conferencing.

Pfizer's patent on Lipitor, its top-selling cholesterol drug, expired in 2011.

"Like any other company, our business practices must adapt to the changing nature of our product portfolio, based in part on products going off patent and new products being introduced into the market," company spokesman Dean Mastrojohn said in an email.

Novartis' patent for its breast cancer drug Femara expired in 2011, its hypertension drug Diovan in 2012 and its cancer drug Zometa in 2013. In a statement, Novartis said that speaking payments dropped in 2012, in part, because of a shift from big blockbuster drugs that many doctors prescribe toward specialty products prescribed by fewer physicians. Resources were also shifted "to support potential future product launches."

The industry's increased emphasis on expensive specialty medications for such conditions as multiple sclerosis or Hepatitis C, has been striking, said Aaron Kesselheim, an assistant professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School. A piece in the New England Journal of Medicine last week noted that half of the 139 drugs approved by the Food and Drug Administration since 2009 were for rare diseases and cancers.

"It's possible the number of physicians they need to support sales of these items is less, leading to lower payments overall," Kesselheim said.

In some cases, companies maintained or made smaller cuts to other forms of physician compensation while pulling back dramatically on speaking payments. Pfizer's spending on consultants dropped 9 percent from 2011 to 2012, far less than its payments to speakers. The company's spending on research stayed essentially the same.

Lilly increased spending on physician researchers by more than 20 percent, while reducing payments to consultants by more than two-thirds.

Many bioethicists and leaders of major academic medical centers frown upon physicians delivering promotional talks for drug companies, saying they turn doctors into sales representatives rather than leaders in research and patient care.

Officials with the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the industry trade group, dispute this characterization. They said they are working with their member companies to prepare for the Sunshine Act and have created a campaign to promote the value of drug company-doctor collaborations.

"Companies will make their own independent decisions about how to engage professionals," said Kendra Martello, PhRMA's deputy vice president of strategic operations.

Scott Liebman, an attorney who advises pharmaceutical companies on the Sunshine Act, said it's too early to know how much the law's requirements are affecting company practices, in part because it's so new. The fact that some companies are cutting back on speaking while preserving their spending on research and consulting suggests that other business forces could be at play, he added.

"It's very hard to pinpoint exactly why that's happening," Liebman said. "I think there's a lot of potential answers to that. I just don't know which is the right one."



Reprinted with permission from ProPublica

Glenn Greenwald Was Very Suspiscious Of News Outlets Funded By The Rich — 7 Years Ago

Left: Glenn Greenwald (then of Salon) debates Ben Smith (then of Politico) over  Politico's funding by rich right-wingers, back in May of 2007
Left: Glenn Greenwald (then of Salon) debates Ben Smith (then of Politico) over
Politico's funding by rich right-wingers, back in May of 2007. (Screen capture from
video).
Back in May of 2007 Glenn Greenwald was raising serious questions about what he considered to be Politico's "right-wing bias."

RELATED STORY:
Glenn Greenwald's Billionaire Benefactor Helped Fund 'Regime Change' in Ukraine: Summary of Greenwald's Response — So What?

Greenwald argued this bias was related to
Politico being financed and managed by rich right-wingers, including a CEO who was closely associated with Ronald Reagan.
Greenwald claimed that the writings of journalists are influenced by what they believe are the political views of rich owners.

Greenwald's views have changed a lot since then.




Nuclear Cover Up In Washington State?: CNN Reports Big Jump In Horrible Birth Defects — Doesn't Mention Super-Polluted Nuclear Site Nearby

The Number of Newborns With Anencephaly Was
4 Times The National Average


Illustration of anencephaly - severly underdeveloped brain
Source: American Association of Neurological Surgeons
________________


CNN Story Ignores A Possible Cause For the Jump in Brain and Spinal Defects: The Hanford Research Facility
Located Near the Affected Areas - Franklin, Benton, Yakima
(Affected Areas Indicated by blue circles, nuclear facility by black circle)


Hanford General Radiation Exposure Areas
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

________________

Chemical and Radioactive Contaminants Distribution in
Ground Water at the Hanford Facility

Distribution of chemical and radioactive contaminants in groundwater on the Hanford Site
Source: Department of Ecology, State of Washington

________________


This CNN Report Says Nothing About
The Hanford Nuclear Facility:
One of the Most Polluted Nuclear Sites in the U.S.
 




Glenn Greenwald's Billionaire Benefactor Helped Fund 'Regime Change' in Ukraine: Summary of Greenwald's Response — So What?

eBay Founder & Owner, Pierre Omidyar
eBay Founder & Owner, Pierre Omidyar. (Photo by Joi)
By Just hours after last weekend’s ouster of Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych, one of Pierre Omidyar’s newest hires at national security blog “The Intercept,” was already digging for the truth.

Marcy Wheeler, who is the new site’s “senior policy analyst,” speculated that the Ukraine revolution was likely a “coup” engineered by “deep” forces on behalf of “Pax Americana”:
“There’s quite a bit of evidence of coup-ness. Q is how many levels deep interference from both sides is.”
These are serious claims. So serious that I decided to investigate them. And what I found was shocking.


Wheeler is partly correct. Pando has confirmed that the American government – in the form of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) – played a major role in funding opposition groups prior to the revolution. Moreover, a large percentage of the rest of the funding to those same groups came from a US billionaire who has previously worked closely with US government agencies to further his own business interests. This was by no means a US-backed “coup,” but clear evidence shows that US investment was a force multiplier for many of the groups involved in overthrowing Yanukovych.

Glenn Greenwald
Glenn Greenwald (Photo by Gage Skidmore)

But that’s not the shocking part.


What’s shocking is the name of the billionaire who co-invested with the US government (or as Wheeler put it: the “
darkdeep force” acting on behalf of “Pax Americana”). Step out of the shadows…. Wheeler’s boss, Pierre Omidyar.

Yes, in the annals of independent media, this might be the strangest twist ever: According to financial disclosures and reports seen by Pando, the founder and publisher of Glenn Greenwald’s government-bashing blog,“The Intercept,” co-invested with the US government to help fund regime change in Ukraine.


[Update: Wheeler has responded on Twitter to say that her Tweets were taken out of context, but would not give specifics. Adam Colligan, with whom Wheeler was debating, commented on Pando that "while Wheeler did raise the issue of external interference in relation to a discussion about a coup, it was not really at all in the manner that you have portrayed." Further "[Pax Americana] appeared after the conversation had shifted from the idea of whether a coup had been staged by the Ukrainian Parliament to a question about the larger powers’ willingness to weaken underlying economic conditions in a state.” Neither Wheeler or Colligan has commented on the main subject of the story: Pierre Omidyar’s co-investment in Ukrainian opposition groups with the US government.]

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News From Venezuela—But Where Is It Coming From and Can It Be Trusted?

Venezuela as it appears on Caracas Chronicles
Venezuela as it appears on Caracas Chronicles.
By
There's a post from the blog Caracas Chronicles (2/20/14) that's been making its way around social media, called "The Game Changed in Venezuela Last Night-–and the International Media Is Asleep at the Switch," written by Francisco Toro. It's not surprising that it's being shared widely, because it paints an exceedingly dire picture:

Throughout last night, panicked people told their stories of state-sponsored paramilitaries on motorcycles roaming middle-class neighborhoods, shooting at people and storming into apartment buildings, shooting at anyone who seemed like he might be protesting.

Who is Francisco Toro? He used to report for the New York Times, but stepped down, saying he couldn't conform to the paper's conflict-of-interest rules: "Too much of my lifestyle is bound up with opposition activism," he wrote, adding that "I can't possibly be neutral" about Venezuelan politics (FAIR Action Alert, 6/6/03).

Despite the Times' rules, one doesn't need to be neutral to be a good reporter–in theory; great journalism has been done by the politically engaged. But how trustworthy is Toro's actual reporting? Are, in fact, "state-sponsored paramilitaries…shooting at anyone who seemed like he might be protesting"? Two days ago, when Toro posted, the death toll stood at six (Reuters, 2/20/14). That's six deaths too many, certainly, but if paramilitaries were actually shooting at everyone who seemed to be protesting, there would be either very few protesters or the paramilitaries would have to be exceedingly bad shots.

And, in fact, not all the dead are protesters, or killed by pro-government forces. Yesterday, Venezuelanalysis (2/21/14)–a pro-government but independent website–put out a fuller list of people killed in the ongoing clashes, adding up to 10. Three people died after crashing into barricades set up by the opposition, and another person–the brother of a pro-government legislator–was shot while trying to open up a barricaded street. A protester was run over by a motorist trying to drive through a barricade; the driver was reportedly arrested. An intelligence service officer was also arrested in connection with a shooting incident on February 12 that left two people dead–one a protester, the other a government sympathizer.

There is dispute over responsibility for some of the killings, including that of one of the more publicized victims, 22-year-old former beauty contestant Genesis Carmona. But looking at the deaths as a whole, it's hard to see evidence of what Toro calls a "tropical pogrom."

The fact that FAIR was writing about Toro's reporting more than 10 years ago points to the fact that this is not a new story; since Hugo Chavez's first election in 1998, Venezuela's government has faced intense opposition, and despite this opposition, the government has repeatedly won elections that have been deemed free and fair (Extra!, 12/06). US journalists tend to identify with the opposition, which is generally wealthier and better educated–and not incidentally whiter–than government supporters (FAIR Blog, 2/25/13). This should be borne in mind when reading reports from Venezuela–from whatever source.



Reprinted with permission from Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

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