Drop Down MenusCSS Drop Down MenuPure CSS Dropdown Menu
Alternative Text Alternative Text Alternative Text Alternative Text
Survivor of US Drone Attack:
Obama Belongs on List of World's Tyrants

Poisoning Black Cities: Corporate Campaign to Ethnically Cleanse US Cities Massive Marches in Poland
Against Authoritarian Threat of Far-Right
Ethiopia’s Invisible Crisis: Land Rights Activists Kidnapped and Tortured

Global Perspectives Now Global Perspectives Now
Showing posts with label Ethiopia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ethiopia. Show all posts

Ethiopia’s Invisible Crisis: Government Responds to Land Rights Activists With Kidnapping and Torture

Oromo Woman, Ethiopia. (Photo by Rod Waddington)
Oromo Woman, Ethiopia. (Photo by Rod Waddington)
By Felix Horne
“Badessa” was a third-year engineering student in western Ethiopia in April 2014 when he and most of his classmates joined a protest over the potential displacement of ethnic Oromo farmers like his family because of the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into the farmland.

The night of the first protests he was arrested and taken to an unmarked detention center. Each night he heard his fellow students screaming in agony as one by one they were tortured by interrogators. “I still hear the screams,” he told me later. Eventually his turn came to be interrogated. “What kind of country is it when I voice concern that my family could lose their farm for a government project and I am arrested, tortured, and now living as a refugee?”

Since mid-November, large-scale protests have again swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and the response from security forces has again been brutal. They have killed countless students and farmers, and arrested opposition politicians and countless others. On January 12, the government announced it was cancelling the master plan, but that hasn’t stopped the protests and the resultant crackdown.

Although the protest was initially about the potential for displacement, it has become about so much more. Despite being the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Oromos have often felt marginalized by successive governments and feel unable to voice concerns over government policy. Oromos who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise mistreated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a group that has long been mostly inactive and that the government designated a terrorist organization.

The government is doing all it can to make sure that the news of these protests doesn’t circulate within the country or reach the rest of the world. Ethiopia’s allies, including governments in the region and the African Union, have largely stood by as Ethiopia has steadily strangled the ability of ordinary Ethiopians to access information and peacefully express their views, whether in print or in public demonstrations. But they should be worried about what is happening in Oromia right now, as Ethiopia — Africa’s second most-populous country and a key security ally of the US — grapples with this escalating crisis.

This may prove to be the biggest political event to hit Ethiopia since the controversial 2005 elections resulted in a crackdown on protesters in which security forces killed almost 200 people and arrested tens of thousands .

Although the government focuses its efforts on economic development and on promoting a narrative of economic success, for many farmers in Oromia and elsewhere economic development comes at a devastating cost. As one Oromo student told me “All we hear about is development. The new foreign-owned farms and roads is what the world knows, but that just benefits the government. For us [Oromos] it means we lose our land and then we can’t sustain ourselves anymore.”

It has become almost impossible for journalists and human rights monitors to get information about what is happening, especially in smaller towns and rural areas outside Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia is one of the most restrictive environments for independent investigation, reporting, and access to information, earning the country a top-10 spot in the global ranking of jailers of journalists. For the past decade, the government has limited access to information by regularly threatening, imprisoning, and prosecuting individual activists, bloggers, and journalists and sending a clear public message that the media must self-censor and that dissent or criticism of government policy will not be tolerated.

Independent media have dwindled—more than 70 journalists have fled the country since 2010 and five of the last independent publications closed down before the May elections. Meanwhile the state-run media parrot the government line, in this case claiming that the Oromo protesters are linked to “terrorist groups” and “anti-peace elements” who are “aiming to create havoc and chaos.”

Very few international journalists are based in Ethiopia. Those who have attempted to cover events on the ground since the protests began have braved threats and arrest, but these are a few lone voices.

Given restrictions on local and international media, you might think that ordinary citizens, local activists, and nongovernmental organizations would fill the gaps and document the events in Oromia. But Ethiopia’s human rights activists and independent groups have been crushed by draconian legislation and threats, and even ordinary people are often terrified to speak out. People who dare to speak to international media outlets or independent groups have been arrested. The government taps phone lines and uses European-made spyware to target journalists and opposition members outside the country.

Since the protests began, the restrictions have become even harsher. Authorities have arrested people, including health workers, for posting photos and videos or messages of support on social media. The state-run telecom network has also been cut in some areas, making it much more difficult to get information out from hotspots.

Radio and satellite television outlets based outside Ethiopia, including some diaspora stations, play a key role disseminating information about the protests within Oromia, as they also did in 2014 during the last round of protests. Last year numerous people were arrested in Oromia during the protests merely for watching the diaspora-run Oromia Media Network (OMN).

The government has frequently jammed foreign stations in the past, violating international regulations in the process. When the government is unable to jam it puts pressure on the satellite companies themselves. Throughout the protests government agents have reportedly been destroying satellite dishes.

Yet despite the clear efforts to muzzle voices, information is coming out. Some protesters are losing their fear of expressing dissent and are speaking openly about the challenges they are facing. Social media plays a key role in disseminating information as people share photos and videos of rallies, of bloodied protesters, and of expressions of peaceful resistance in the face of security forces using excessive force.

In the coming days and weeks Ethiopia’s friends and partners should condemn the use of excessive force by security forces that is causing tragic and unnecessary deaths. But they should also be clear that Ethiopia needs to ensure access to information and stop disrupting telecommunications and targeting social media users. The world needs to know what is happening in Oromia—and Ethiopians have a right to know what is happening in their country.





Reprinted with permission from Human Rights Watch.

Journal from an Ethiopian Prison: Testimony of Befeqadu Hailu

This testimony was written by blogger and human rights advocate Befeqadu Hailu in late August 2014. A founding member of the Zone9 blogging collective and a Global Voices community member, he was arrested and imprisoned on April 25, 2014 along with five fellow members of Zone9 and three journalist colleagues. On July 17, 2014, all nine detainees were charged under the country’s penal code and the Terrorism Proclamation of 2009. Befeqadu mentions in his text the names of several of his fellow detainees including Abel, Mahlet, and Natnael. All are members of the Zone9 collective.

This is the first of two installments of an abridged version of Befeqadu’s testimony. It was translated from Amharic to English by Endalk Chala and edited for clarity and context by Ellery Roberts Biddle. The full, unabridged testimony is available in PDF form here.



By BefeQadu Z. Hailu
“So, what do you think is your crime?”

My interrogator posed this question after forcing me to recount my work as an activist and progressive blogger. Soon after the interrogation, when my captors reunited me with my blogger friends, we realized that we were all asked this same question:


“So what do you think is your crime?”

The question is intriguing. It sheds light on our innocence, on our refusal to acknowledge whatever crimes our captors suspect us of committing. Yes, they probed us severely, but each session ended with same question. The investigation was not meant to prove or disprove our offenses. It was meant simply to make us plead guilty.

Befeqadu Hailu. Photo used with permission.
Befeqadu Hailu. Photo used with permission.
After two years of writing and working to engage citizens in political debate, we have been apprehended and investigated. Blame is being laid upon us for committing criminal acts, for supposedly being members and “accepting the missions” of [opposition political parties] Ginbot7/May 15 and OLF. [1]

The next step is “due process” and our prosecution, but I believe there are still questions to be answered. How did we get here? What was our interrogation like? Are we really members of Ginbot7/May15? If not, why have they arrested us? Will they release us soon?

No matter what, boundaries exist in this country. People who write about Ethiopia’s political reality will face the threat of incarceration as long as they live here.

We believe that everyone who experiences this reality, dreading the consequences of expressing their views, lives in the outer ring of the prison – the nation itself. That is why we call our blog Zone9. [2]

Zone9 was merely two weeks old when the government made our collective blog inaccessible in Ethiopia in 2012. Despite the blockage, we continued to write, but we knew that the fate of our blocked blogs could be our own. We knew we could end up being arrested.

In the days and weeks leading up to our incarceration in April 2014, government security agents threatened us with imminent arrest, but we were still shaken by what happened to us. The six local members of the blogging collective and our three journalist allies were arrested and detained. With the exception of one of the journalists (Asmamaw Hailegiorgis of Addis Guday newspaper) we were arrested on Friday April 25 at about 11:00 pm and taken from our respective locations. Asmamaw was arrested the next morning. By the time we were seized and taken to the detention center, the search “warrant” that authorized our arrest was well over its time limit, according to Ethiopian law. The unlawful intrusion on our rights began here. Without delay, we became the victims of many violations of Ethiopian law by the authorities.

The idea of setting a foot in the compound of the ill-famed Maekelawi detention center gives a cold shiver to anyone who knows its history. But my sheer optimism and trust that the brutal and inhumane treatment of people was a distant memory saved me from trembling as I was escorted into the compound. The same was true of my friends, I suppose. What is more, we had nothing to be scared of, because we are neither undercover agents nor members of armed forces. We are just writers.

Six of the detained bloggers in Addis Ababa. Photo used with permission.
Six of the detained bloggers in Addis Ababa. Photo used with permission.
But as soon as I arrived at Maekelawi, detainees informed me that I had been placed in one of the notorious sections of the detention center, known as “Siberia”. In less than a week, I felt like I was living in the middle of an account from the 2013 Human Rights Watch report entitled “They Want a Confession”. [3]
This is the first of two installments of an abridged version of Befeqadu’s testimony. It was translated from Amharic to English by Endalk Chala and edited for clarity and context by Ellery Roberts Biddle. The full, unabridged testimony is available in PDF form here.


Read Part 2: Journal from an Ethiopian Prison: The Maekelawi Ceremony

Learn more about the Zone9 Bloggers’ case at the Trial Tracker Blog.

______________

[1] Ginbot7 and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) are opposition political parties based in the United States. Both have been accused of terrorism by the Ethiopian government.
[2] “Addis Ababa’s Kality prison is divided into eight different zones, the last of which — Zone Eight — is dedicated to journalists, human right activists and dissidents. When we came together, we decided to create a blog for the proverbial prison in which all Ethiopians live: this is Zone Nine.” From “Six Members of Blogging Collective Arrested in Ethiopia,” by Endalk Chala.
[3] “They Want a Confession” documents serious human rights abuses, unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in Addis Ababa’s Maekelawi detention center, drawing from interviews with former Maekelawi detainees and their family members. Those detained in Maekelawi include scores of opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers, and alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies. Full report here.

Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.


54 Days in Prison and Counting for Ethiopia's Zone 9 Bloggers

Free Zone 9 Bloggers banner. Original design by Hugh D'Andrade, remixed by Hisham  Almiraat.
Free Zone 9 Bloggers banner. Original design by Hugh D'Andrade, remixed by Hisham
Almiraat.

By Ndesanjo Macha
It has been 54 days since six members of the Zone Nine blogging collective [am] and three journalists believed to be associated with the group were arrested in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The group formed in 2012 in an effort to report on and increase public discussion about political and social issues affecting a diverse cross-section of Ethiopian society.

On their Facebook page, they describes themselves as young Ethiopians seeking to use fact-based reporting and analysis to create a new, more nuanced narrative of life in Ethiopia today:
Zone9 is an informal group of young Ethiopian bloggers working together to create an alternative independent narration of the socio-political conditions in Ethiopia and thereby foster public discourse that will result in emergence of ideas for the betterment of the Nation
The bloggers have appeared in court at four times since their arrest on April 25, 2014 — their next court date has been set for July 12, 2014. Each time, police have asked for more time to carry out their investigation of the group. Although they have been informally accused of “working with foreign organizations that claim to be human rights activists and agreeing in idea and receiving finance to incite public violence through social media,” they have been issued no formal charges as of yet. Close friends and allies of the group fear that they will be charged with terrorism, similar to journalists Eskinder Nega and Reeyot Alemu, both Ethiopian journalists who have been in prison since 2011.

Following their arrest, Global Voices Online released a statement calling for their release, invited supporters to join the #FreeZone9Bloggers campaign through letter-writing and online efforts, and organised the FreeZone9Bloggers Tweetathon on May 14, 2014.

Zone 9 Bloggers

As the Zone9 bloggers continue to languish in jail, the Ethiopian government is allegedly training bloggers to attack those who criticise the government online:
The Ethiopian Government is trying to reduce online criticism by training recruits to attack information on the web that are critical of its administration, the Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT) reported.

According to the report, in the second round of new recruits, 235 bloggers were trained in Adama on Facebook and other social media sites on how to shape public opinion by posting comments and documents that support the regime.

The training was given to selected people from different ethnic groups who support the regime, and that the trainees report directly to government officials, ESAT said.
So far, the trainees have opened 2,350 Facebook, Twitter and blog accounts to show the Ethiopian regime in a favorable light, and to criticize anti-government articles, websites, the Ethiopian opposition and the Eritrean government
Nigerian British YouTube comedian Ikenna Azuike dedicated an episode of his satirical news show “What's Up Africa” to the bloggers’ plight. In ”Zone 9 Bloggers Paradise in Ethiopia,” he jests:
Just because [Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn] ordered the arrest of nine people who happen to be bloggers and journalists doesn't mean this is part of the biggest crackdown on dissent since the 2005 post-election mass arrests.
Why is the Ethiopian government afraid of bloggers? Alemayehu G. Mariam explained:
“Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets,” fretted Napoleon Bonaparte, dictator of France, as he declared war on that country’s independent press. For the regime in Ethiopia, the pens and computer keyboards of a handful of independent journalists and bloggers are more to be feared than ten thousand bayonets mounted on AK-47s. All dictators and tyrants in history have feared the enlightening powers of the independent press. The benighted dictators in Ethiopia fear the enlightening powers of an independent press more than the firepower of several fully equipped infantry divisions.

Total control of the media and suppression of independent journalists remains the wicked obsession of the regime. They believe that by controlling the flow of information, they can control the hearts and minds of the people. They believe they can fabricate truth out of falsehood by controlling the media. By crushing the independent press, they believe they can fool all of the people all of the time. But they know deep down in their stone cold hearts that “truth will not forever remain on the scaffold, nor wrong remain forever on the throne.” They live each day in the land of living lies fearful of losing their throne.
The author continued:
The E bloggers and journalists are special Ethiopian heroes and heroines. They are truth-tellers and -warriors. They fight tyranny with their pens and computer keyboards. Their ammunition are truth, words, ideas, facts and opinions. They slay falsehoods with the sword of truth. They chase bad ideas with good ones and advocate replacing old ideas with new ones. They fight the people’s despair with words of hope. They teach the people that fear is overcome with acts of courage. They fight ignorance and powerful ignoramuses with knowledge and reason. They stand up to arrogance and hubris with defiant humility. They seek to transform intolerance with forbearance; resist oppression with perseverance and defeat doubt with faith. They fight with their pens and keyboards on the battleground that is the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people.
On Twitter, friends and supporters are keeping awareness alive using the hashtag #Zone9Bloggers:





Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.

Free The Ethiopian Bloggers: 4 Ways You Can Join the #FreeZone9Bloggers Campaign

Zone 9 Tumblr Collage. Images selected from zoneniner.tumblr.com.

By Global Voices Advocacy
Befeqadu Hailu, Abel Wabela, Atnaf Berahane, Mahlet Fantahun, Zelalem Kibret, and Natnael Feleke (all members of the Zone 9 blogging collective) and journalists Asmamaw Hailegeorgis, Tesfalem Waldyes and Edom Kassaye were arrested on April 25 and 26, 2014 in Addis Ababa. They have since been held in Maekelawi detention center with no access to legal counsel. They have not been allowed to see their families.
Since 2012, the Zone 9 blogging collective has worked to foster civic engagement and critical commentary about social and political issues in Ethiopia, alongside fellow journalists seeking similar results through newspaper work. Their arrest and detention constitute a violation of their universal human right to free expression, and their right not to be arbitrarily detained, as protected by Article 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
The Global Voices community and our network of friends and allies are demanding the release of the nine men and women.

Here are four ways that you or your organization can lend support to the campaign:


1. Send a letter: Write to your country's ambassador to Ethiopia or to the African Commission office in your country. Use one of these templates to get started. Deliver the letter by hand, like our friends in Uganda did.


2. Add your photo and message of support to the Free Zone 9 Tumblr

3. Sign the Global Voices Community Statement urging for the bloggers’ release

4. Spread the word! Talk to your friends, family, and colleagues about the campaign — share articles and links, work together on joint letters to policymakers, or plan a gathering.


Global Voices Coverage of Zone 9 Bloggers Case

Why Blogging is a Threat to the Ethiopian Government May 10, 2014

Advocates Ask African Commission, UN Experts to Intervene in Zone 9 Bloggers Case May 3, 2014

STATEMENT: Global Voices Calls for the Release of Nine Journalists in Ethiopia, May 2, 2014

Netizen Report: Ethiopia Cracks Down on Free Expression, April 30, 2014

Six Members of Blogging Collective Arrested in Ethiopia, April 25, 2014



Reprinted with permission from Global Voices.

How to End Child Marriage in a Generation

15 year-old Usha participated in a leadership program for girls in Nepal. (Flickr-UNFPAsia. Some rights reserved).
15 year-old Usha participated in a leadership program for girls in Nepal. When her parents
started to plan for her marriage she was able to persuade them to delay it. “I thought: ‘I am the
class leader. If I can’t prevent my own marriage, who will speak up for my classmates?’.”
(Flickr-UNFPAsia. Some rights reserved).

By Lyric Thompson and Allison M. Glinski
Reports that more than 200 girls kidnapped in north-eastern Nigeria have been forced to marry members of the rebel group Boko Haram bring home the brutal human-rights abuse—and, increasingly, security concern—that is child marriage.
The issue of the marriage of children—typically girls—under the age of 18, has captured the attention of global leaders, academics and development practitioners. The practice is widespread, affecting 14 million girls per year. One in three women aged 20-24 were married as girls in the developing world. Child marriage not only harms girls’ health and human rights—it is a severe impediment to global security, equality and development.

When girls marry at a young age, they often face dire consequences. Early marriage leads to early childbearing, which is associated with higher rates of maternal and infant mortality as well as more children throughout a women’s lifetime. Girls who marry young are more likely to be exposed to domestic violence and have a heightened risk of contracting sexually-transmitted infections, including HIV-AIDS. Child marriage is also associated with poorer education and thus lower earnings throughout girls’ lives.

In 51 countries the rate of child marriage is 25 per cent or greater—meaning that 51 countries are losing their potential productively to engage all members of society in advancing their development. Drivers of child marriage are complex and varied but common threads include poverty, “tradition” and insecurity resulting from conflict or disasters. Girls from poorer and rural communities tend to be at greater risk.

The practice takes place in diverse countries and cultural milieu—from Brazil to Bangladesh, from Mali to Malaysia. While religious beliefs can perpetuate child marriage, no single faith is associated with the practice, which cuts across Christian, Muslim, Hindu and other religious communities.

Wherever it is prevalent, however, the core of the problem is the low value society places on girls and women. If we are to ever eradicate the scourge, we must confront the fundamental gender inequalities and discriminatory norms that underpin child marriage and its insertion into cycles of poverty and violence.

At the same time, we must remember those girls—nearly 70 million—who are already married, who are among the most marginalized individuals in the world. In many cases, they have been taken away from their families and out of their schools to live in isolation from friends and peers.

Proven solutions

Daunting as the challenges are, there are solutions to ending child marriage, while meeting the needs of married adolescents. The International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) conducted a systematic review of programs, measuring associated changes in awareness, attitudes and/or behaviors. ICRW’s review of the evidence demonstrated tremendous potential for raising the age of marriage by building on several proven practices. Five common strategies have been used successfully to delay girls’ marriage in a variety of contexts:

• Empower girls with information, skills and support networks. Successful programs provide girls with the skills they need to make their own decisions about what they want in life and the confidence to be able to act on those decisions. They also provide opportunities to engage with peers, thereby enhancing girls’ social skills and alleviating the isolation many in developing countries experience. Such programmes can help girls avoid, mitigate the harmful effects of, or leave unsafe relationships, including marriage.

  • Educate and rally parents and community members. Families and community elders are still responsible in some societies for deciding when and whom a girl marries. Educating these important stakeholders—through meetings, campaigns and public information—about how child marriage affects a girl’s health and future often sparks powerful change. With new knowledge, adults’ attitudes can shift: they become more likely to challenge “traditional” expectations about the role of girls. For example, an evaluation of Tostan’s work in Senegal found reductions in child marriage through campaigns which encouraged community members to take pledges not to marry their daughters before the age of 18.
  • Enhance girls’ access to high-quality education. Girls with no education are three times as likely to marry as those with secondary or higher education. When girls are in school, they are less likely to be seen as ready for marriage and can develop supportive social networks and the skills and knowledge to advocate for their own needs. Incentives, such as free uniforms and scholarships, and other support for girls to enrol and remain in school can help delay marriage. Programs which improve the safety and girl-friendliness of schools, strengthening curricula and making lessons relevant to girls’ lives, are also effective.
  • Provide economic support and incentives to girls and their families. Parents may benefit financially from marrying their daughter off early—by gaining a bride price or lowering a dowry or simply having one less mouth to feed. Enhancing the economic security of poor households can thus help curb child marriage. Providing a girl or her family with a loan or an opportunity to learn an income-generating skill can yield immediate relief for struggling households. It has long-term benefits as well, as girls who learn skills that enable them to earn an income may be seen as adding greater value to the family.
  • Encourage supportive laws and policies. More than 150 countries have laws prohibiting child marriage. Advocating for the implementation of such laws, and raising awareness among government officials and community leaders and members, helps strengthen and enforce initiatives for girls’ rights. Where legislation is not on the books, advocating for reform is a critical first step.

Beliefs about marriage can shift as values and understanding change. When mothers, fathers and village elders see that girls can make valuable contributions to the family and society, they may be motivated to break from tradition and push for later marriage. In places like Afghanistan, Ethiopia and Egypt, girls have been successfully empowered and communities engaged, changing the value in which a girl holds herself and the roles and opportunities her family envisages for her. Such initiatives have been able to shift cultural norms and delay the age of marriage.

After the MDGs

The status and rights of girls were largely neglected in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Even under the banner of MDG 3, on gender equality, the only mention of girls was with regard to education. As global leaders shape the next global development framework to eradicate poverty and promote sustainability and security, girls must not be ignored.

ICRW is at the forefront of efforts to make sure this critical omission is not repeated. Through evidence-based advocacy, it aims to augment and support the chorus of voices—most importantly, of girls themselves—calling for a more powerful and a more girl-responsive MDG on gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls.

The centre is pushing governments and the United Nations for a post-2015 agenda that asserts the rights of women and girls, including a specific target to end child marriage by 2030. And there have been some encouraging signs.

In March, a relatively strong outcome document negotiated at the UN Commission on the Status of Women endorsed a stand-alone goal on gender equality and called on member states to eliminate the harmful practice. The Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals has released a working document which includes a focus on gender equality and women's empowerment—including a target to end child, early and forced marriage by 2030. The Human Rights Council has passed a resolution on child marriage and several governments are developing national strategies and action plans to guide prevention and response.

These recent successes reaffirm earlier indications, from the UN secretary general and his High Level Panel of Eminent Persons, that child marriage should be included in the framework. ICRW will continue to advocate for attention to adolescent girls at the next Open Working Group meeting in New York, and will welcome the upcoming Human Rights Council debate on child marriage and a major event the United Kingdom will hold on child marriage and female genital mutilation this summer.

By the time the UN General Assembly convenes in September, much of the work to develop the substance of a child-marriage target will have been done. Advocacy with national governments will then will be absolutely essential to ensure a global commitment. Together, we can end child marriage in a generation.



Reprinted with permission from openDemocracy.

Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...